Yulia Volodymyrivna Tymoshenko (Ukrainian: Юлія Володимирівна Тимошенко, pronounced [ˈjulijɑ ʋɔlɔˈdɪmɪriʋnɑ tɪmɔˈʃɛnkɔ]), née Grigyan (Ukrainian: Ґріґян), born 27 November 1960, is a Ukrainian politician. She was the Prime Minister of Ukraine from 24 January to 8 September 2005, and again from 18 December 2007 to 4 March 2010. She placed third in Forbes Magazine’s List of The World’s 100 Most Powerful Women 2005. Tymoshenko is the leader of the All-Ukrainian Union „Fatherland“ party and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc.
She has been a practising economist and academic. Prior to her political career, Yulia Tymoshenko was a successful but controversial businesswoman in the gas industry, becoming by some estimates one of the richest people in the country. Before becoming Ukraine’s first female Prime Minister in 2005, Tymoshenko co-led the Orange Revolution.
Tymoshenko was a candidate in the Ukrainian presidential elections of 2010, but lost this election to Viktor Yanukovych (Tymoshenko received 45.47% of the votes in the second and final round of this election). At first Tymoshenko challenged the election results, claiming the vote was rigged, but withdrew her appeal on 20 February 2010, stating, „It became clear that the court is not out to establish the truth“.
Since May 2010 a number of criminal cases have been opened against Tymoshenko. On 11 October 2011, a Ukrainian court sentenced Tymoshenko to seven years in prison after she was found guilty of abuse of office when brokering the 2009 gas deal with Russia. The conviction is seen as „justice being applied selectively under political motivation“ by the European Union and other international organizations.
Tymoshenko is currently being held in prison at Kharkiv and has been on hunger strike since 20 April 2012
Yulia Tymoshenko (born Grigyan) was born 27 November 1960, in Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine (then part of the Soviet Union). Her mother Ludmila Nikolaevna Telegina (née Nelepova), was born 11 August 1937, in Dnipropetrovsk.Her father Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan was born 3 December 1937, in Dnipropetrovsk and was, according to his Soviet passport, Latvian.Vladimir left the family when Yulia was three years old. Tymoshenko took the surname of her mother „Telegina“ – before graduating in 1977.In 1979, Yulia married Oleksandr Tymoshenko, son of a middle-level Soviet official. In 1980 their daughter Yevhenia (Eugenia) was born.
Tymoshenko graduated from high school in 1977 (school № 37 in Dnipropetrovsk).
In 1978 Tymoshenko joined the mining department of the Dnipropetrovsk Mining Institute. In 1979 she transferred to the Economic Department of the Dnipropetrovsk State University and majored in cybernetic engineering. In 1984 Tymoshenko graduated from the Dnipropetrovsk State University with honors (red diploma) as an engineer-economist.
In 1999, she defended a PhD dissertation, entitled State Regulation of the tax system, at the Kiev National Economic University.
After graduating from the Dnipropetrovsk State University in 1984 Tymoshenko worked as an engineer-economist in a „Dnipro Machine-Building Plant“ in Dnipropetrovsk (factory made missiles) until 1988.
In 1988, as part of the perestroika initiatives, Yulia and Oleksandr Tymoshenko borrowed 5000 Soviet rubles and opened a video rental cooperative, perhaps with the help of Oleksander’s father Gennadi Tymoshenko, who presided over a regional film distribution network in the provincial council.
In 1991 Tymoshenko established (jointly with her husband Oleksandr, Gennadi Tymoshenko and Olexandr Gravets) „The Ukrainian Petrol Corporation“, a company that provided the agriculture industry of Dnipropetrovsk with fuel from 1991 to 1995. Tymoshenko worked as a General Director. From 1995 to 1997, Tymoshenko was the president of the United Energy Systems of Ukraine, a privately owned middleman company that became the main importer of Russian natural gas to Ukraine in 1996. During that time she was nicknamed „gas princess“ in light of accusations that she had been reselling enormous quantities of stolen gas and avoiding taxation of those deals. She was also accused of „having given Pavlo Lazarenko kickbacks in exchange for her company’s stranglehold on the country’s gas supplies“. During this period Tymoshenko was involved in business relations (either co-operative or hostile) with many important figures of Ukraine. The list includes Pavlo Lazarenko, Viktor Pinchuk, Ihor Kolomoyskyi, Sergei Tigipko, Leonid Kuchma who at that time was the President of Ukraine. All of these are, like Tymoshenko, originally from Dnipropetrovsk. Tymoshenko has also been closely linked to the management of the Russian corporation, Gazprom.
In the period 1995-1997 Tymoshenko was considered one of the richest businessmen in Ukraine. But Tymoshenko’s business was destroyed by political means in 1998. Since 1998, Tymoshenko was one of the most important politicians in Ukraine. Since 2006, she has no longer been ranked even as one of the „100 richest Ukrainians“.
Yulia Tymoshenko entered politics in 1996, and was elected to the Verkhovna Rada (the Ukrainian parliament) from the Kirovohrad Oblast, winning a record 92.3% of the vote in her constituency. In Parliament she joined the faction Constitutional Centre.
Late in November 1997 the General Prosecutor of Ukraine asked the Verkhovna Rada to lift Tymoshenko’s parliamentary immunity because of accusations she had attempted to smuggle $26,000 from Ukraine to Moscow in 1995. In late 1997 Tymoshenko called for the next Ukrainian Presidential elections to be held not in 1999 but in the fall of 1998.
Tymoshenko was re-elected in 1998 as number 6 on the party list of Hromada. She was again elected winning a constituency in the Kirovohrad Oblast. Tymoshenko was a leading figure in the party, and became the Chair of the Budget Committee of the Verkhovna Rada. After Hromada’s party leader Pavlo Lazarenko fled to the United States in the spring of 1999 to avoid investigations for embezzlement, various faction members left Hromada to join other parliamentary factions, among them Tymoshenko who set up the All-Ukrainian Union „Fatherland“ faction.
Deputy Prime Minister for fuel and energy
From late December 1999 to January 2001, Tymoshenko was the Deputy Prime Minister for the fuel and energy sector in the cabinet of Viktor Yushchenko. She officially left parliament on 2 March 2000. As energy Deputy Prime Minister, she virtually ended many corrupt arrangements in the energy sector. Under her stewardship, Ukraine’s revenue collections from the electricity industry grew by several thousand percent. She scrapped the practice of barter in the electricity market, requiring industrial customers to pay for their electricity in cash. She also terminated exemptions for many organizations which excluded them from having their power disconnected. Her reforms meant that the government had sufficient funds to pay civil servants and increase salaries. Tymoshenko was fired by President Leonid Kuchma in January 2001 after developing a conflict with oligarchs in the industry. Soon after her dismissal, Tymoshenko took leadership of the National Salvation Committee and became active in the Ukraine without Kuchma-protests.
In mid-February 2001, Tymoshenko was arrested on charges of forging customs documents and smuggling gas between 1995 and 1997 (while president of United Energy Systems of Ukraine) but was released several weeks later. Her political supporters organized several protest rallies near the Lukyanivska Prison where she was held in custody. According to Tymoshenko, the charges were fabricated by Kuchma’s regime at the behest of oligarchs threatened by her efforts to root out corruption and institute market-based reforms. In spite of being cleared of the charges, Moscow maintained an arrest warrant for Tymoshenko should she enter Russia until her dismissal as Prime Minister four years later. This case was reopened in Ukraine on 24 October 2011.
In addition, Tymoshenko’s husband, Oleksandr, spent two years in hiding in order to avoid incarceration on charges the couple said were unfounded and politically motivated by the former Kuchma administration.
Once the charges were dropped, she reassumed her place among the leaders of the grassroots campaign against President Kuchma for his alleged role in the murder of the journalist Georgiy Gongadze. In this campaign, Tymoshenko first became known as a passionate, revolutionist leader, an example of this being a TV broadcast of her smashing prison windows during one of the rallies. At the time Tymoshenko wanted to organise a national referendum to impeach President Kuchma.
Our government was doing almost an underground work under the rigorous pressure of president Kuchma and criminal-oligarchic groups. All anti-shadow and anti-corruption initiatives of the Cabinet of Ministers were being blocked, while the Government was being an object of blackmailing and different provocations. People were arrested only because their relatives were working for the Cabinet of Ministers and were carrying out real reforms that were murderous for the corrupted system of power.
9 February 2001, Tymoshenko founded the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (the National Salvation Committee merged into it), a political bloc that received 7.2% of the vote in the 2002 parliamentary election. She is the head of the Batkivshchina (Fatherland) political party since the party was organised in 1999.
11 August 2001 civilian and military prosecutors in Russia opened a new criminal case against Tymoshenko accusing her of bribery. On December 27, 2005 Russian prosecutors dropped these charges. Russian prosecutors had suspended an arrest warrant when she was appointed Prime Minister in but reinstated it after she was fired in September 2005. The prosecutors suspended it again when she came to Moscow for questioning on September 25, 2005. Tymoshenko never traveled to Russia during her first seven months as Prime Minister (the first Tymoshenko Government).
In January 2002 Tymoshenko was involved in a mysterious car accident that she survived with minor injuries – an episode some believe may have been a government assassination attempt.
In the Autumn of 2001, both Tymoshenko and Viktor Yushchenko attempted to create a broad opposition bloc against the incumbent President Leonid Kuchma in order to win the Ukrainian presidential election 2004.
In late 2002, Tymoshenko, Oleksandr Moroz (Socialist Party of Ukraine), Petro Symonenko (Communist Party of Ukraine) and Viktor Yushchenko (Our Ukraine) issued a joint statement concerning „the beginning of a state revolution in Ukraine“. In the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election, the communist party stepped out of the alliance, but the other parties remained allies and Symonenko was against a single candidate from the alliance (until July 2006).
On 2 July 2004, Our Ukraine and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc established the Force of the people, a coalition which aimed to stop „the destructive process that has, as a result of the incumbent authorities, become a characteristic for Ukraine“, the pact included a promise by Viktor Yushchenko to nominate Tymoshenko as Prime Minister if Yushchenko would win the October 2004 presidential election. Tymoshenko campaigned for Yushchenko during the 2004 electoral campaign. The Yushchenko campaign publicly called for protest on 21 November 2004 (second round election day) when allegations of fraud began to spread. On November 22, 2004 massive protests broke out in cities across Ukraine: the largest, in Kiev’s Maidan Nezalezhnosti attracted an estimated 500,000 participants. These protests became known as the Orange Revolution. During the protests, Tymoshenko speeches on Maidan kept the momentum of the street protests going. After the cancellation of Viktor Yanukovych’s official victory and a re-run of the second round of the election Viktor Yushchenko was elected President.
After the Orange Revolution
On 24 January 2005, Tymoshenko was appointed acting Prime Minister of Ukraine under Yushchenko’s presidency. On 4 February, Tymoshenko’s premiership appointment was ratified by the parliament with an overwhelming majority of 373 votes (226 were required for approval). On 28 July, Forbes named her the third most powerful woman in the world, behind only Condoleezza Rice and Wu Yi. However, in the magazine’s list published on 1 September 2006, Tymoshenko was not included in the top 100.
Several months into her government, internal conflicts within the post‐Revolution coalition began to damage Tymoshenko’s administration. On 8 September, after the resignation of several senior officials, including the Head of the Security and Defense Council Petro Poroshenko and Deputy Prime Minister Mykola Tomenko, Yulia Tymoshenko’s government was dismissed by President Viktor Yushchenko during a live television address to the nation. She was succeeded as Prime Minister by Yuriy Yehanurov. Yushchenko went on to criticize her work as head of the Cabinet, suggesting it had led to an economic slowdown and political conflicts within the ruling coalition.
2006 parliamentary election
After her dismissal Tymoshenko started to tour the country in a bid to win the 2006 Ukrainian parliamentary election as the leader of her Bloc. She soon announced that she wanted to return to the post of Prime Minister.
With the Bloc coming second in the election, and winning 129 seats, many speculated that she might form a coalition with Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine party and the Socialist Party of Ukraine (SPU) to prevent the Party of Regions from gaining power. Tymoshenko again reiterated her stance in regard to becoming Prime Minister. However, negotiations with Our Ukraine and SPU faced many difficulties as the various blocs scrapped over posts and engaged in counter-negotiations with other groupings.
On Wednesday 21 June 2006, the Ukrainian media reported that the parties had finally reached a coalition agreement, which appeared to have ended nearly three months of political uncertainty.
Tymoshenko’s nomination and confirmation as new Prime Minister was expected to be straightforward. However, the nomination was preconditioned on an election of her long-term rival Petro Poroshenko from Our Ukraine as the speaker of the parliament. Tymoshenko stated that she would vote for any speaker from the coalition. Within a few days after the coalition agreement had been signed, it became clear that the coalition members mistrusted each other, since they considered it to be a deviation from parliamentary procedures in order to hold a simultaneous vote on Poroshenko as the speaker and Tymoshenko as Prime Minister.
The Party of Regions announced an ultimatum to the coalition, demanding that the parliamentary procedures be observed, asking membership in parliamentary committees to be allocated in proportion to seats held by each fraction, chairmanship in certain Parliamentary committees as well as Governorships in the administrative subdivisions won by the Party of Regions. The Party of Regions complained the coalition agreement deprived the Party of Regions and the communists of any representation in the executive and leadership in parliamentary committees while in the local regional councils won by the Party of Regions, the coalition parties were locked out of all committees as well.
Members from the Party of Regions blocked the parliament from Thursday, 29 June through Thursday, 6 July.
Unfortunately, a different coalition has now been created. But it won’t last long – for a number of reasons. First, to unite incompatible things – Communism and doubled-dyed clans – into one team. A coalition of Communists, Socialists and mobsters won’t last long because this country will sense the insincerity and the total absence of any strategic thing. I know for sure that our team won’t allow Ukraine to be raped so easily.
Following a surprise nomination of Oleksandr Moroz from the Socialist Party of Ukraine as the Rada speaker and his subsequent election late on 6 July with the support of the Party of Regions, the „Orange coalition“ collapsed (Poroshenko had withdrawn his candidacy and had urged Moroz to do the same on 7 July). After the creation of a large coalition of majority, led by the former prime minister Viktor Yanukovych and composed of the Party of Regions, Socialists and Communists, Viktor Yanukovych became Prime Minister, and the other two parties were left in the wilderness. Whilst Tymoshenko immediately announced that her political force would be in opposition to the new government, Our Ukraine stalled until 4 October 2006, when it too joined the opposition. Following the 2007 Ukrainian political crisis new elections were called.
2007 Foreign Affairs article
Yulia Timoshenko and Vladimir Putin (19 March 2005); in November 2009 Putin stated he found it comfortable to work with Tymoshenko and also praised her political choices.
Tymoshenko wrote an article called „Containing Russia“ in the May–June 2007 edition of the journal Foreign Affairs. In the article she criticized the Russian expansionism. Consequently, the article irked Russia and more than a week after the article was published, Russia responded to the article, calling it an „anti-Russian manifesto“ and „an attempt to once again draw dividing lines in Europe.“
It was subsequently revealed that significant portions of the article had been paraphrased from an article written by former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Tymoshenko’s staff denied allegations of plagiarism on the grounds that the Foreign Affairs format does not usually include attributions.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov wrote an article called „Containing Russia: Back To The Future?“ for the same journal which was apparently meant to be a response to Tymoshenko. He withdrew the article before publication, accusing the editors of changing his text and said his article was subjected to „censorship“.
2007 parliamentary election
Following balloting in the 2007 parliamentary elections held on 30 September 2007, Orange Revolution parties said they had won enough votes to form a governing coalition. On 3 October 2007, an almost final tally gave the alliance of Tymoshenko and President Yushchenko a slim lead over a rival party of Prime Minister Yanukovych. Although Yanukovych, whose party won the single biggest share of the vote, also claimed victory, one of his coalition allies, the Socialist Party of Ukraine, failed to gain enough votes to retain seats in Parliament.
On 15 October 2007, Our Ukraine–People’s Self-Defense Bloc and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc agreed to form a majority coalition in the new parliament of the 6th convocation. On 29 November, a coalition was signed between the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc and Our Ukraine–People’s Self-Defense Bloc, which was associated with President Yushchenko. Both parties are affiliated with the Orange Revolution. On 18 December, Tymoshenko was once again elected as Prime Minister, supported by 226 deputies (the minimal amount needed for passage), heading the second Tymoshenko Government.
Prime Minister 2007–2010, and 2008 political crisis
The coalition of Tymoshenko’s Bloc (BYuT) and Yushchenko’s Our Ukraine–People’s Self-Defense Bloc (OU-PSD) was put at risk due to differing opinions on the ongoing 2008 South Ossetia War between Georgia and Russia. Yulia Tymoshenko disagreed with Yushchenko’s condemnation of Russia and preferred to stay neutral on the issue. Yushchenko’s office accused her of taking a softer position in order to gain support from Russia in the upcoming 2010 election. Andriy Kyslynskyi, the president’s deputy chief of staff, went as far as to accuse her of ‚high treason‘. According to BYuT, Viktor Baloha (Chief of Staff of the Presidential Secretariat) criticized the premier at every turn, accusing her of everything from not being religious enough to damaging the economy and that she was plotting to kill him, and that the accusation of ‚betrayal‘ over Georgia was simply one of the latest and most pernicious attacks directed at the premier.
After Tymoshenko’s BYuT voted alongside the Communist Party of Ukraine and the Party of Regions to pass legislation that would facilitate the procedure of impeachment for future Presidents and limit the President’s power while increasing the Prime Minister’s powers, President Yushchenko’s OU-PSD bloc pulled out of the coalition and Yushchenko promised to veto the legislation and threatened to hold an election if a new coalition was not formed soon. This resulted in the 2008 Ukrainian political crisis, which culminated in Yushchenko announcing/calling an early parliamentary election on 8 October 2008.
Tymoshenko was fiercely opposed to the snap election, stating: „No politician would throw Ukraine into snap elections at this important time. But, if Yushchenko and Yanukovych – who are ideologists of snap elections – throw the country into snap elections, then they will bear responsibility for all the consequences of the global financial crisis on Ukraine“. The election was initially to be held 7 December 2008, but later postponed to an unknown date. Tymoshenko had no intention of resigning until a new coalition was formed.
Early December 2008 there were negotiations between BYuT and Party of Regions to form a coalition but after Volodymyr Lytvyn was elected Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada (parliament of Ukraine) 9 December 2008 he announced the creation of a coalition between his Lytvyn Bloc, BYuT and OU-PSD. After negotiations the three parties officially signed the coalition agreement on 16 December. It was unsure if this coalition would stop the snap election although Speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn predicted the Verkhovna Rada will work until 2012.
2010 Presidential election
On 5 February 2009 the second Tymoshenko cabinet survived a second no-confidence vote in the Ukrainian Parliament (the first was rejected on 11 July 2008). In February 2009 the relations between Tymoshenko and President Yushchenko, the Secretariat of the President of Ukraine and the oppositional Party of Regions remained hostile. According to Tymoshenko her conflict with the President was a political competition and not ideological antagonism, and she emphasized early in February 2009 that the „election struggle for the next presidential elections has virtually begun“.
After long being considered a possible candidate for the President of Ukraine in 2010, Tymoshenko announced that she would stand in the presidential elections in 2010 in a statement broadcast live on national TV on 7 June 2009, despite previous statements (in 2008) she did not intend to become president. Tymoshenko did state that if she lost the presidential elections she would not challenge their results. On 12 September 2009 a tour called „With Ukraine in Heart“ in support of Tymoshenko candidacy kick-started on Kiev’s Maidan Nezalezhnosti. The popular Ukrainian singers and bands took part in the tour.
Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko formally endorsed Yulia Tymoshenko as their candidate for the next Presidential election, the first-round ballot was scheduled to be held on 17 January 2010. Tymoshenko candidacy was also endorsed by noticeable Ukrainian politicians such as Borys Tarasyuk, Yuriy Lutsenko, former President Leonid Kravchuk, the Christian Democratic Union, the European Party of Ukraine and Forward, Ukraine!. Analysts suggested that she was the Russian Government’s preferred candidate in the election, on 3 December 2009 Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin denied this. Putin stated he was cooperating with Tymoshenko as Prime Minister of Ukraine but he was not supporting her in elections.
As soon as Yushchenko and Yanukovych appear on the tribune, expect failure. And how can we forget the match between Ukraine and Greece, when our team lost the trip to South Africa. Why? Because two „lucky“ politicians came to the deciding match and transferred their lucky aura to the entire Ukrainian team.
Tymoshenko’s campaign was expected to have cost $100 to $150 million.
Tymoshenko expected early parliamentary elections after the 2010 presidential election, but she was against this.
On 1 December 2009 Tymoshenko urged „national democratic forces“ to unite after the first round of the presidential elections around the candidate who takes the largest number of votes. „If we are not able to strengthen our efforts and unite the whole national-patriotic and democratic camp of Ukraine… we will be much weaker than those who want revenge“. On 5 December 2009 she declared she would go into opposition if she would lose the presidential elections, Tymoshenko also complained of flaws in the election legislation and expressed confidence of attempts to be made by her opponents to carry out vote rigging.
In the first round of the presidential election on 17 January 2010, Tymoshenko took second place with 25% of the vote and Yanukovych took first place with 35%. The two proceeded to the runoff round held on 7 February 2010 in which Yanukovych was elected President of Ukraine with 48.95% of the votes, Tymoshenko received 45.4% of the votes. Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc members immediately claimed that there was systematic and large-scale vote rigging in this run-off.
However Tymoshenko herself did not issue a statement about the election until a live televised broadcast on 13 February 2010 in which she said that she would challenge the election result in court. Tymoshenko alleged widespread fraud (according to Tymoshenko, a million votes were invalid) and said Yanukovych was not legitimately elected „Whatever happens in future, he will never become the legitimately elected president of Ukraine“. Tymoshenko did not call people on to the streets to protest and stated she „won’t tolerate civil confrontation“.
On 10 February 2010 Yanukovych called on Tymoshenko to abandon her protests and resign as Prime Minister. Yanukovych stated he wanted to form a new coalition, and may try to call snap parliamentary elections. On 12 February Yanukovych stated he did not rule out talks with Tymoshenko if she would publicly apologize to him for the accusations she made during her election campaign. Tymoshenko’s government did not want to resign voluntarily.
On 17 February 2010 the Higher Administrative Court of Ukraine, suspended the results of the election on Tymoshenko’s appeal. The court suspended the Central Election Commission of Ukraine ruling that announced that Viktor Yanukovych won the election. Tymoshenko withdrew her appeal on 20 February 2010 after the Higher Administrative Court in Kiev rejected her petition to scrutinize documents from election districts in Crimea and also to question election and law-enforcement officials. According to Tymoshenko „It became clear that the court is not out to establish the truth, and, unfortunately, the court is as biased as the Central Election Commission, which includes a political majority from Yanukovych“. Tymoshenko also stated „At the very least there was rigging of votes using the main methods of falsification, and I think that for history this lawsuit with all the documentation will remain in the Higher Administrative Court of Ukraine, and sooner or later, an honest prosecutor’s office and an honest court will assess that Yanukovych wasn’t elected President of Ukraine, and that the will of the people had been rigged“. The same day (20 February) Tymoshenko announced that she would not challenge the results of the second round of the presidential election in the Supreme Court of Ukraine since she believed there were no legal provisions for such an appeal.
The falsifications decided the elections, not you. Like millions of Ukrainians, I assert that Yanukovych is not our president.
During a nationally televised address on 22 February Tymoshenko said of President-elect of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych and „Yanukovych’s team“ (she referred to them in the speech as „The oligarchy„): „They need cheap labor, poor and disenfranchised people who can be forced to work at their factories for peanuts, they also need Ukraine’s riches, which they have been stealing for the last 18 years.“ During the speech she also accused outgoing President Viktor Yushchenko of „opening the door to massive and flagrant election rigging“ days before the 7 February runoff of the January 2010 presidential election by amending the election law. During a Cabinet of Ministers meeting on 24 February Tymoshenko stated „The moment of truth has arrived: The decision whether or not to side with Yanukovych will show who values the preservation of Ukraine’s independence and self-identity and who does not“. Tymoshenko and her party, Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko, boycotted the inauguration ceremony of President Yanukovych (on 25 February 2010).
If the Second Tymoshenko Government could not be preserved Tymoshenko stated on 22 February 2010 she would go into Parliamentary opposition. On 3 March 2010 the Ukrainian Parliament passed a motion of no confidence in the second Tymoshenko Government in which the cabinet was dismissed with 243 lawmakers voting in favour out of the 450 (including seven lawmakers of Bloc Yulia Tymoshenko). On 1 March 2010 Prime Minister Tymoshenko had demanded this vote herself. On 2 March 2010 the coalition had already lost the parliamentary majority. Before the vote on 3 March Prime Minister Tymoshenko again stated „If the dismissal of the government is passed today, at that very same moment our government will leave the cabinet. Our political force will cross into the opposition“. Tymoshenko blamed the Lytvyn Bloc and „Our Ukraine, including the leader of Our Ukraine who announced the position of the faction“ for the fall of the cabinet. Tymoshenko resigned from the Prime Minister post on 4 March 2010. Fellow BYuT member Oleksandr Turchynov was empowered to fulfill the Prime Minister’s duties until a new government was formed on 4 March 2010. On 9 and 15 March 2010 Tymoshenko called on „all of the national patriotic forces“ to unite against Yanukovych. On 10 March 2010 Viktor Yushchenko warned that her leadership of that opposition would end in disaster „Every political force that united with Tymoshenko ended badly“. On 16 March a shadow government including BYuT was established. On 10 May 2010 the People’s Committee to Protect Ukraine was established of which Tymoshenko is one of the representatives. Tymoshenko was against the 2010 Ukrainian–Russian Naval Base for Natural Gas treaty, she believes the agreements harm Ukraine’s national interests.
Ukraine’s prosecutor’s office re-opened on 12 May 2010 a 2004 criminal case against Tymoshenko on accusations she had tried to bribe Supreme Court judges. The prosecutor’s main investigation section said Tymoshenko had been called in on 12 May 2010 and formally told that the case, which had been prematurely closed by the Supreme Court of Ukraine in January 2005 without a proper investigation, had been re-opened. As she left the prosecutor’s office on 12 May, Tymoshenko told journalists she had been summoned to see investigators again on 17 May and she linked the move to Russian President Medvedev’s visit to Ukraine on 17–18 May 2010. Tymoshenko also claimed that she was told by „all the offices of the Prosecutor General’s Office“ that President Yanukovych had personally instructed the Prosecutor General’s Office to find any grounds to prosecute her. In a press conference 12 May, President Yanukovych’s representative in the Verkhovna Rada Yury Miroshnychenko dismissed Tymoshenko’s statement about Yanukovych’s personal interest in prosecuting her, Yanukovych is against political repression for criticism of the regime, Miroshnychenko stated.
On 15 December 2010 the General Prosecutor’s Office instituted a criminal case against Tymoshenko, alleging that she misused funds received by Ukraine within the framework of the Kyoto Protocol. She was officially charged on 20 December 2010. Tymoshenko denied the money had been spent on pensions and insisted it was still at the disposal of the environment ministry and called the investigation against her a witch-hunt. Tymoshenko was not arrested, but ordered not to leave Kiev while the inquiry was under way. In the same case the environment minister in the second Tymoshenko Government, Georgiy Filipchuk, was detained. Filipchuk was the third minister from this government to face criminal charges since its fall in March 2010 (prosecutors charged former Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko with abuse of office early December 2010 and former economy minister Bohdan Danylyshyn was detained in the Czech Republic in October 2010 on similar charges). Lawmakers of BYuT blocked the rostrum and presidium of the Verkhovna Rada the next day in protest against this. The same day the European People’s Party issued a statement in which it „condemns the growth of aggressive, politically motivated pressure by the Ukrainian authorities on the opposition and its leader Yulia Tymoshenko“. Tymoshenko dismissed the probe as „terror against the opposition by President Yanukovych“. Earlier that month Ukraine’s Prosecutor General Viktor Pshonka had stated that there were no political reasons for the interrogations of the opposition leaders Tymoshenko, Lutsenko and Oleksandr Turchynov. According to government officials the criminal case against Tymoshenko was a legitimate attempt to uncover corruption by the previous administration. New corruption charges against Tymoshenko where filed in on 27 January 2011. She was accused of using 1,000 medical vehicles for campaigning in the presidential elections of 2010. According to Tymoshenko the charges were false and part of „Yanukovych’s campaign to silence the opposition“. A third criminal case against Tymoshenko in connection with alleged abuse of power during the 2009 Russia–Ukraine gas dispute was opened on 10 April 2011. This case was labelled „absurd“ by Tymoshenko. On 24 May 2011 prosecutors charged her in connection with this (third criminal) case. She was not arrested.
On 26 April 2011 Tymoshenko sued businessman Dmytro Firtash and Swiss-based RosUkrEnergo in a U.S. District Court in Manhattan accusing them of „defrauding Ukraine’s citizenry by manipulating an arbitration court ruling, „undermining the rule of law in Ukraine“ in connection with an 2010 international arbitration court ruling in Stockholm that ordered Ukraine’s state energy company Naftogaz to pay RosUkrEnergo 11 billion cubic meters (bcm) of natural gas to compensate for fuel it had „expropriated“ plus 1.1 billion bcm as a penalty.
Throughout Yanukovych’s presidency Tymoshenko stayed very critical about his and the Azarov Government performance and intentions which, among others, she accused of selling out to Russia and of being a „funeral of democracy“. Tymoshenko has accused „many of Ukraine’s neighbors“ of turning a blind eye to „Yanukovych’s strangulation of Ukraine’s democracy, some openly celebrate the supposed „stability“ that his regime has imposed“. She believes „Ukraine can return to a democratic path of development only with an active civil society and support from the international community„.
2011 trial and imprisonment
Tymoshenko and Chancellor Angela Merkel at a March 2011 European People’s Party summit in Brussels; General Prosecutor of Ukraine’s Office lifted the travel ban imposed on Tymoshenko after being officially invited to this event by U.S. Senator John McCain and European People’s Party President Wilfried Martens
Beginning in May 2010, a number of criminal cases were opened against Tymoshenko. Also a number of criminal cases were opened against officials from the second Tymoshenko Government. According to Ukrainian officials those cases were indiscriminately made to fight corruption in Ukraine.
Tymoshenko’s trial (she was charged in May 2011) over abuse of office over a natural gas imports contract signed with Russia in January 2009 started on 24 June 2011. Former President and former ally of Tymoshenko Viktor Yushchenko testified against her during the trial; a trial he called „a normal judicial process“.
Early July 2011 Ukrainian security service opened a new criminal investigation into alleged non-delivery by United Energy Systems of Ukraine (in 1996) of goods to Russia for $405.5 million, therefore, they say, may be Russia’s claims to the State budget of Ukraine (this criminal case was closed in Russia in December 2005 years by reason of lapse of time). Colonel-General Leonid Ivashov (former official of the Russian Ministry of Defense) said that Russia has long since forgiven debt corporation UESU and closed the case against Yulia Tymoshenko: „The new criminal case – it’s cheating“.
On 5 August 2011 Tymoshenko was arrested for ‚ridiculing court proceedings‘. In jail Tymoshenko was reported to develop a „mysterious ailment“. According to Ombudsman Nina Karpachova she was suffering from throat problems and had a fever. Tymoshenko is being held at Lukyanivska Prison. Visits to her are restricted. According to the State Penitentiary Service of Ukraine she is held in a VIP prison cell with two beds, wardrobe, TV and a separate bathroom with shower cabin and toilet. This was not confirmed by Tymoshenko’s lawyers. According to Tymoshenko she was held „in unacceptable conditions“ before December 2011.
On 11 October 2011, the court found Tymoshenko guilty of abuse of power, sentenced her to seven years in jail, and ordered to pay the state $188 million. She was convicted for exceeding her powers as Prime Minister, by ordering Naftogaz to sign the gas deal with Russia in 2009. The judge also banned her from seeking elected office for her period of imprisonment (disqualifying her from participation in the 2012 parliamentary and 2015 presidential elections). Authorities had deployed hundreds of police officers near the court, which was picketed by about 2,000 Tymoshenko supporters. Some minor clashes broke out and some arrests were made after the verdict was announced. Tymoshenko did appeal against the sentence on 24 October 2011; which she compared to Stalin’s Great Terror. Tymoshenko and her followers saw the trial as political payback by President Viktor Yanukovych, and his Party of Regions. Both have denied this. President Yanukovych and other Government officials have hinted that the law that convicted Tymoshenko could be changed in her benefit. According to opposition politicians, this could have been done as soon as one week after Tymoshenko’s conviction. However, after postponing the vote twice, the Parliament of Ukraine voted against decriminalizing abuse of office on 15 November 2011.
A 2001 criminal case on state funds embezzlement and tax evasion charges against Tymoshenko was reopened in Ukraine on 24 October 2011. Since late October 2011 Ukrainian prosecutors are investigating whether Tymoshenko was involved in the murder of Yevhen Shcherban. With that Tymoshenko was under criminal investigation for ten criminal acts; prosecutors have claimed she had committed more criminal acts. On 4 November 2011 the Ukrainian tax police resumed four criminal cases against Tymoshenko. She was charged for these cases on 10 November 2011.
Tymoshenko was re-arrested (while in prison) on 8 December 2011, after a Ukrainian court ordered her indefinite arrest, as part of the investigation of alleged tax evasion and theft of government funds (between 1996 and 2000) by United Energy Systems of Ukraine; again the European Union showed concern over this.
Tymoshenko lost her appeal against her sentence of abuse of power of 11 October 2011 on 23 December 2011. She and her lawyers had boycotted the appeal proceedings claiming „Judicial system and justice are totally non-existent in Ukraine today“. Tymoshenko has lodged a complaint against the verdict at the European Court of Human Rights, which was given priority treatment by the court.
The Parliament of Ukraine again voted against decriminalizing the law under which Tymoshenko was sentenced to imprisonment on 8 February 2012.
Three Canadian and two German doctors who were allowed to examine Tymoshenko in February 2012 stated that Tymoshenko was “ill, in constant pain and requires toxicology and other laboratory testing.” The Canadian doctors added that the doctors were not allowed to carry out some tests and were hindered in their work by government officials. Ukrainian officials insisted that Tymoshenko was receiving all necessary treatment. The First Deputy Chairman of Parliament’s health care committee and Tymshenko’s former physician, Viacheslav Perederiy, stated „The medical station has the standards of a squalid rural first-aid post. There were banal instruments there that were not even plugged into the mains. They just picked a room, painted the walls and made those who were inside wear overshoes and gowns as though there was any sterility there.“ 
President Yanukovych stated on 24 February 2012 the procedure for pardoning Tymoshenko could start „after her trial“ and if she submitted a respective application to the President; he also mentioned that „we should have all these cases considered again from the point of view of the new Criminal Procedure Code, which will comply with all European standards“ and he described the trial of Tymoshenko and other former officials as not „meet[ing] European standards and principles“. On 27 February 2012 Tymoshenko’s defense lawyer stated Tymoshenko will not file any applications for a pardon since „Yanukovych recognized himself that the trial of Tymoshenko has nothing to do with justice according to European standards“. Tymoshenko stated the same day „Today we are behind bars. But if we have to pay such a price for the liberation of the country, then we are ready to pay it“.
Since early April 2012 the General Prosecutor’s Office is examining the involvement of Tymoshenko and former Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko in the murder of Donetsk businessman Olexandr Momot in 1996.
The trial for the in July 2011 opened criminal investigation into alleged misappropriating public funds of United Energy Systems of Ukraine started on 19 April 2012 in Kharkiv. Tymoshenko refused to attend the trial, citing problems with her health. Tymoshenko was then moved against her will from Kachanivska prison to a hospital where she entered a hungerstrike on 20 April to protest – according to her lawyer Serhiy Vlasenko – „what is happening in the country and what is happening to her in prison“.
In August 2011 United States and European Union (EU) officials called the prosecution of Tymoshenko „selective prosecution of political opponents“. According to Russia the 2009 natural gas agreements „were signed on the basis of the necessary instructions from the Russian and Ukrainian Presidents„, it also did urge Ukraine to ensure an impartial trial. After the verdict in the 2009 natural gas deal European Union High Representative for Foreign Affairs Catherine Ashton stated the verdict showed justice in Ukraine was being applied selectively in politically motivated prosecutions and that the Ukrainian Government handling of the case risked deep implications for its hopes of EU integration. Other reactions from European Union politicians had a similar tone. Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych met with the EU-leadership the week after the verdict was postponed, but Ukraine and the EU assured this would not affect further cooperation. Certain analysts and Ukrainian politicians have pointed out that they believe that some Ukrainian businesses tycoons with „lucrative relations“ with Russia are deliberately hindering Ukraine’s European Union integration and are using Tymoshenko’s trail as a tool in these attempts.
The Russian Foreign Ministry stated the ruling had an „obvious anti-Russian subtext“ and Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin commented about the ruling „I can’t quite understand why she got those seven years“. A statement by the White House stated the charges and conduct of the trial has raised serious concerns about Ukraine’s commitment to democracy and the rule of law and urged Ukraine to release Tymoshenko, as well as other political leaders and former government officials. United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon expressed concerns over the conviction. The Council of Europe expressed „serious concern about the trial“ and Amnesty International called for Tymoshenko’s immediate release.
On 26 January 2012 the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe adopted a resolution in which it called on President Yanukovych „to consider all possible means to release former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and other members of the former government and also to enable them to participate in the upcoming parliamentary elections„.
On 29 February 2012 the European People’s Party demanded „immediate release of Yulia Tymoshenko, Yuriy Lutsenko and other political prisoners; it also insisted the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union should not be signed and ratified until these demands where met.
Tymoshenko wants her country to become a member of the EU, while she is also concerned about antagonizing Russia. „I try to defend our interests so that we can find a balance in our relations both with the EU and Russia“. Tymoshenko supports Ukraine joining NATO stating it would be „uncomfortable“ for Ukraine to remain „in a void, outside all existing security systems“. But, according to Tymoshenko, the question of Ukraine’s joining any system of collective security would „be resolved only by referendum.“ Tymoshenko is in favour of close relations with the EU, including the creation of a free trade area between Ukraine and EU and later a full membership, preferably in 2015. According to Tymoshenko: „The European project has not been completed as yet. It has not been completed because there is no full-fledged participation of Ukraine.“ She is against foreign intervention in internal Ukrainian affairs: „Ukraine’s realization of its sovereign rights, forming a modern political nation, cannot be considered as a policy aimed against anyone“. Tymoshenko does not want to expand the lease contract of the Russian Black Sea fleet in Ukraine because „The Constitution of Ukraine quite clearly stipulates that foreign military bases cannot be deployed in Ukraine, and this constitutional clause is the fundamental basis of the state’s security“.
According to Tymoshenko, Ukraine is a „unitary and indivisible state“. Tymoshenko considers separatist attitudes in Ukraine unacceptable; „Love one another, from Donetsk, Crimea, Luhansk, Dnipropetrovsk, Kharkiv, Lviv, Ternopil, Ivano-Frankivsk, Kiev and all the other corners of our native land“. According to Tymoshenko, citizens in the Russian-speaking Dnipropetrovsk already understood Ukrainian in Soviet times and that problems surrounding the Russian language in Ukraine were being „exaggerated and don’t exist“.
Tymoshenko opposes the introduction of Russian as a second official state language, and she does not believe the rights of Russian speakers are violated in current Ukraine. About her own attitude towards Ukrainian, Tymoshenko has stated „that today I am thinking and living for Ukrainian… and the fact that I know Russian very well, I think it is not a secret for you… you all know that I was brought up in the Russian speaking region in Dnipropetrovsk, to my mind, I spared no effort to speak Ukrainian as soon as possible as I came in the Government“.
The first Tymoshenko Government planned to renationalise 3,000 firms but the cabinet was sacked before those plans could materialise. Tymoshenko believes that Ukraine’s economy is excessively monopolized. Some Ukrainian politicians and academics have described her politically as a state socialist. Tymoshenko is against privatization of the gas transportation system in Ukraine. Tymoshenko lists the recovery of the economy of Ukraine during the 2008–2009 Ukrainian financial crisis as one of her achievements. The second Tymoshenko Government has spent 1.6 billion hryvnya on updating coal mines.
Tymoshenko wants to increase a rise in the general level of social standards by equalizing salaries in the industrial and social spheres and pledged in November 2009 to revamp Ukraine’s hospitals and health system within two years and tax breaks for farmers. Other economic policies included compensation for depositors who lost Soviet-era savings, price controls on food and medicines to bring inflation down, calls for a review of murky privatisations and high social spending. Tymoshenko wants to cut the number of taxes by a third, simplifying the system, and wants to cut Value Added Tax (VAT) and offer tax breaks to importers of new technologies as well as poor regions to boost investment. In December 2009, the second Tymoshenko Government proposed creating independent anti-corruption bureaus in Ukraine.
Tymoshenko believes Ukraine could gain energy security through the development and construction of more nuclear power stations and she wants to speed up exploration and extraction of oil and natural gas on the Black Sea shelf.
Tymoshenko is for the cancellation of Verkhovna Rada deputies‘ immunity from prosecution. For Ukraine Tymoshenko prefers the proportional representation voting system with open lists. Tymoshenko wants to reform the forming of state executive bodies and favours giving parliamentary opposition „real instruments of influence on the authorities„, wants Ukrainian court system reforms and wants to re-transfer executive power to local authorities. Tymoshenko want Ukrainians „to live in a dictatorship of the constitution and the law“. In the summer of 2009, Tymoshenko claimed she tried to bring together different political parties in order to amend the constitution and switch to a parliamentary form of government.
In November 2009, Tymoshenko called Ukraine „an absolutely ungovernable country“ due to the changes to the Constitution of Ukraine as a part of a political compromise between the acting authorities (former-President Kuchma) and opposition during the Orange Revolution (Tymoshenko has argued those reform were „incomplete“ and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc voted against them in December 2004). In January 2010, Tymoshenko called for urgent amendments to the Constitution via the majority of the Verkhovna Rada after a survey or plebiscite is conducted. In April 2011 she still believed the constitution „didn’t work“.
In February 2011, Tymoshenko stated „Viktor Yanukovych’s naked attempt to hijack the election that precipitated the Orange Revolution should have resulted in his being banned from running in future elections“. She also believes „building a genuine civil society“ is the best way to help democracy.
Genealogy, family and personal life
Yulia Tymoshenko (born Grigyan; was born 27 November 1960, in Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine. Her mother’s name is Ludmila Nikolaevna Telegina. Her father is Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan.
Vladimir Abramovich Grigyan was born 3 December 1937, in Dnipropetrovsk. According to his Soviet passport he was Latvian. His mother was Maria Yosifovna Grigyan (or Grigan), born in 1909. His father was Abram Kelmanovich Kapitalman (Ukrainian: Абрам Кельманович Капітельман, 1914 birth) – after graduating from „Dnipropetrovsk State University“ in 1940, he was sent to work in Western Ukraine, where he worked „one academic quarter“ as the director of a public school in the city Sniatyn:
- „In Sniatyn, as well as throughout Western Ukraine… installed Soviet government, new institutions were formed. They sent young cadres from the eastern regions of Ukraine. One of them was A. K. Kapitelman. Unfortunately, the material evidence of his work in Sniatyn, you can not find : any Sniatyn or in Ivano-Frankivsk. In the regional state archives – were not preserved documents about the schools and district education departments for the period 1940–1941″. In the autumn the 1940th was mobilized into the army, killed at the front (World War II) on 8 November 1944, with the rank of „lieutenant communications“.
Yosif Yosifovich Grigan (registered of Latvian nationality) was born in Riga (Latvia), in 1884. In 1914, he moved to Yekaterinoslav (Dnipropetrovsk), where he worked as a conductor on the train (at the „Lotsmanka“ station in Dnipropetrovsk). He was arrested in 1937 and again in 1938 (because he received letters from Latvia) – and was repressed. In the prosecution of the criminal case the following was brought forward: „Grigan discredited the Soviet regime among the workers, praised the good life of the working class in the fascist countries: Germany and Poland“); served 10 years of concentration camps (1938–1948), was rehabilitated in 1963. His wife „Grigan, Elena Titovna“ (1893 birth), Ukrainian, from the village of Martynivka (Kishenkovsky municipality, province of Poltava).
In the Ukrainian media there has been a lot of speculation regarding the genealogy of Tymoshenko. Some of the hypotheses have no scientific evidence (for example, the hypothesis of the Armenian origin of the surname „Grigan“);  some of the hypotheses (concerning her possible Jewish roots) are seen as provocative, or could be designed to create negative PR.
About her ethnicity, Yulia Tymoshenko herself has said: „On my father’s side – everyone is Latvian for ten generations, and on my mother’s side – everyone is Ukrainian for ten generations.“  Tymoshenko’s parents were both born in Ukraine and are, therefore, Ukrainian as defined by the Law on Citizenship of Ukraine and by the Ukrainian Constitution.
- Father – Vladimir Grigyan (born 3 December 1937, in Dnipropetrovsk)
- Mother – Lyudmila Telegina (born 11 August 1937, in Dnipropetrovsk).
- Husband – Oleksandr Tymoshenko (born 11 June 1960), businessman, married Yulia Telegina in 1979. Father of Olexander – Gennadi Tymoshenko.
- Daughter – Yevhenia (Eugenia) Tymoshenko (born 20 February 1980) – a graduate of the London School of Economics (in politics and philosophy).
- Son-in-law – Sean Carr (born 10 August 1968) – English rock musician, leader of the British band „Death Valley Screamers“ (see YouTube video „Bonnie and Clyde“), owner of several stores in the UK.
Tymoshenko and her husband rent a house in Kiev (the house belongs to relatives) and own a house in Dnipropetrovsk. Tymoshenko has declared she never used and will never use or move into a state-owned summer house, in contrast all former-Presidents of Ukraine are all living in state-owned dachas in Koncha-Zaspa. According to Ukrainian media Tymoshenko lives in an estate in Koncha-Zaspa (estimated worth: $5 million), „rented from a friend for free“.
Tymoshenko has publicly stated that, like most Soviet citizens, she spoke only Russian in her childhood (although Tymoshenko was studying the Ukrainian language and Ukrainian literature at the school for 10 years, as all schoolchildren in Ukraine). In January 2010 Tymoshenko stated that in Dnipropetrovsk she did not have to speak Ukrainian until she was 36 (i.e. before 1996). According to Tymoshenko her braids are a family tradition.
In her spare time, before she was imprisoned, Tymoshenko ran on a treadmill for exercise and listened to the music of Andrea Bocelli, Sarah Brightman, Anna Netrebko and Alessandro Safina. Ukrayinska Pravda is her favourite news source. Tymoshenko has stated she has watched the Tunisian Revolution and Egyptian Revolution of 2011 „with joy and admiration“.
Cultural and political image
Yulia Tymoshenko with disbanded braid. The Parliament of Ukraine, January 11, 2007. On this day, BYuT has made great efforts to initiate the dissolution of the Parliament. On this day analyst Fesenko said : „Tymoshenko untied braid and tied the intrigue of 2007“
Tymoshenko has always had a strong social policy. Before the first Tymoshenko government (2005) people got miserable salaries and pensions ($ 1. Per day). Tymoshenko as prime minister (2005, 2007-2010) and as leader of the opposition — initiated a sharp increase in salaries and pensions, for five years (2005-2009) „the average pension“ in Ukraine has increased five-fold (from 182.2 UAH. to 898 UAH., that is in dollars – to 3.5-fold), average wages increased by 3.5 times. For this reason, Tymoshenko’s ratings increased (in the parliamentary elections of 2002 – 7.5%, 2006 – 22% 2007 – 31% in the presidential election of 2010 – 45%). Always before the election, „the sociological company of Ukraine“ write about „low-ranking Tymoshenko“ (for example, before the presidential elections in 2010 wrote that „the rating of Tymoshenko’s“ only 15%, but she scored 45%).
Tymoshenko is a talented orator. Her fiery rhetoric made her an icon of the Orange Revolution. In some press-media Tymoshenko is sometimes referred to as Lady Yu (Ледi Ю, Леди Ю).
Former ally and President of Ukraine Victor Yushchenko stated in November 2009 „I am sure that every week, spent by Yulia Tymoshenko at the post of Prime Minister, leads the country to a catastrophe. Because of Yulia Tymoshenko – it is a crisis, crisis in everything“. On 31 May 2010 Yushchenko stated that Tymoshenko was his „worst mistake“. Expert in Ukrainian politics Dr. Taras Kuzio believes that he has always prioritized personal revenge against Tymoshenko over Ukraine’s national interests. Rating Yushchenko constantly falling, and by March 2012 had fallen to 0.6% — in particular, because the fight against Tymoshenko.
Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has stated (in November 2009) he found it comfortable to work with his (then) Ukrainian counterpart Yulia Tymoshenko and also praised her for strengthening Ukrainian sovereignty and building stable ties with Moscow and called the second Tymoshenko Government „efficient and a force for stability“. It has been suggested by Reuters that the Russian government, after seeing her opposition to Viktor Yushchenko, supported her since late 2008.
President Viktor Yanukovych stated about Tymoshenko on May 13, 2010 „She likes to create a sensation. We have grown used to this extravagant woman“. Party of Regions Deputy Head Borys Kolesnykov stated on February 11, 2010 „Tymoshenko was the most effective politician during the entire period of Ukraine’s recent history“.
Tymoshenko’s political opponents have suggested that she gained her fortune improperly (in 1995-1997). Her former business partner, former Ukrainian Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko, was convicted in the United States (1999) on charges of corruption and money laundering amounting to about 150 million dollars.
Tymoshenko’s political opponents are the forces that support the richest oligarchs in Ukraine — Akhmetov (the state of 16 billion dollars in 2011), Pinchuk (4.5 billion dollars), Firtash, Poroshenko (1 billion). However, if you read the Ukrainian press, it seems that Tymoshenko is the richest. Typically, Tymoshenko accused of buying a suit (the price of a few thousand dollars) or handbag, while her political opponents are privatized (through political corruption) the largest enterprises of Ukraine, oil-gas shelf of the Black Sea, all TV channels, etc.
Tymoshenko has been ranked three times by Forbes magazine among the most powerful women in the world. During her first term, in 2005 she was ranked third (behind only Condoleezza Rice and Wu Yi), in 2008 she was ranked at number 17 and in 2009 at number 47. According to the Ukrainian magazine Focus Lady Yu was placed first in annual ranking of the most influential women in Ukraine in 2006–2010 (five years). During the Orange Revolution some Western media publications dubbed her the „Joan of Arc of the Revolution“. Tymoshenko was also dubbed one of the most beautiful women ever to enter politics by Daily Mail and 20 Minutos in 2009. In December 2011 Tymoshenko’s party BYuT-Batkivschyna nominated her for the Nobel Peace Prize.
Multimedia about Yulia Tymoshenko
- 2004 – 29 November, Tymoshenko’s speech in Donetsk on Akhmetov’s Channel „Ukraine“ – during the Orange Revolution (Tymoshenko in the orange shirt of FC Shakhtar Donetsk).
- 2007 – campaign videos about „Ivan, Galia, and the Vampire-Yanukovich“ in support of BYuT; the parliamentary elections-2007.
- 2009 – a documentary film „Julia“ (studio «Coppola Productions») in support of Yulia Tymoshenko on „Presidential Election-2010“.
- 2009 – concert at the „Independence Square“-Maydan (Kiev) in honor of Yulia Tymoshenko’s nomination as a candidate for the presidency; the song „Yulia, Yulia, Ukraine“ (Nastya Kamenskih; and „Potap“); 29 October 2009.
- 2009 – „The Red Heart“, a clip of Yulia Timoshenko’s presidential election-2010; 2 December 2009.
- 2010 – clip of the opposition on „the first year of the Yanukovych’s reign.“
- 2011 – a documentary film (25 minutes), which was shown at the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, 8 October 2011 – „The trial of Yulia Tymoshenko. The true story“.
- 2011 – Tymoshenko rendered a verdict. Kiev, 11 October 2011.
- 2011 – Africans about Ukraine and Tymoshenko. October, 2011.
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- ^ Senior Experts, IMEPOWER Investment Group
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- ^ a b Ukraine parliament votes out Tymoshenko’s government, Kyiv Post (3 March 2010)
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- ^ a b Czechs give asylum to spouse of Ukraine’s Tymoshenko Reuters (6 January 2012)
- ^ a b c Ukraine’s Gold-Plaited Comeback Kid, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (23 September 2008)
- ^ „Government portal: Julia Tymoshenko got acquainted with the achievements of „the National Mining University in Dnipropetrovsk““. Kmu.gov.ua. 18 September 2009. Retrieved 11 October 2011.
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- ^ Dissertation of Y. Tymoshenko „State Regulation of the tax system“
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- ^ a b c „Alexander Fidel. „Unsinkable Tymoshenko“. Weekly „2000“, № 3 (542), 21–27 January 2011″. 2000.net.ua. 28 January 2010. Retrieved 11 October 2011.
- ^ a b According to Matthew Brzezinski (author of „Casino Moscow: A Tale of Greed and Adventure on Capitalism’s Wildest Frontier“), „gained control over nearly 20% of Ukraine’s gross national product, an enviable position that probably no other private company in the world could boast.“ Quoted by James Meek, „The millionaire revolutionary,“ The Guardian (26 November 2004)
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- ^ Deputies/Elected in multi-mandate constituency/Elections 29 November 1998, Central Election Commission of Ukraine
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- ^ Annual Survey of Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union 1997: The Challenge of Integration, by Institute for East-West Studies, M.E. Sharpe, ISBN 978-0-7656-0359-3, p. 172
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- ^ Tymoshenko 1 & 2, Kyiv Post (6 July 2006)
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- ^ ANALYSIS-Russia finds unlikely ally in Ukraine’s Tymoshenko, Reuters (5 October 2008)
- ^ Arrest warrant lifted on Tymoshenko, Euronews (26 September 2005)
- ^ a b Old criminal case against ex-Ukrainian PM Tymoshenko reopened, RIA Novosti (24 October 2011)
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- ^ Artist included Ruslana, Oleksandr Ponomaryov, Ani Lorak, Potap and Nastia Kamenskikh, Tina Karol, Natalia Mogilevska, Iryna Bilyk, TIK, TNMK, „Druha Rika„, Mad Heads XL. See the concert here 
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- Prime Minister – Tymoshenko.
- Minister of Police – Lutsenko.
- Minister of Defence – Ivashchenko.
- Minister of Finance – Danylyshyn.
- Minister of Natural Resources – Filipchuk.
- Deputy Minister of Justice – Korneichuk.
- Head of Customs of Ukraine – Makarenko.
- Head of the regional customs – Shepitko.
- Head of the State Treasury of Ukraine – Slyuz; Deputy head – Gritsoun.
- Deputy head of „Naftogaz“ (state monopoly on trade in gas and oil) – Didenko.
- Governor of Dnipropetrovsk region (former Minister of Transport) – Bondar.
Repeatedly called in for questioning in order to open a criminal case : minister and former mayor of Lviv – Kuybida; First Deputy Prime Minister – Turchynov.
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- ^ Ukraine timeline, BBC News
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- ^ Yatseniuk: Opposition proposes its own amendments to law on decriminalization, Kyiv Post (12 October 2011)
- ^ Rada passes law decriminalizing certain economic crimes at first reading, Kyiv Post (6 October 2011)
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- ^ Ukrainian lawmakers agree to put off second reading of decriminalization bill, Kyiv Post (2 November 2011)
- ^ Ukraine parliament rejects Tymoshenko reprieve, Reuters (15 November 2011)
- ^ Flowers, songs for Ukraine’s Tymoshenko outside jail, Kyiv Post (27 November 2011)
- ^ Ukraine to investigate Tymoshenko over murder-report, Kyiv Post (30 October 2011)
- ^ Getting Yulia, Kyiv Post (3 November 2011)
- ^ Tax police resumes four criminal cases against Tymoshenko, Kyiv Post (7 November 2011)
- ^ Ukraine heaps more charges on Tymoshenko (updated), Kyiv Post (11 November 2011)
- ^ Vlasenko: investigators illegally presented Yulia Tymoshenko with new charges, UNIAN (11 November 2011)
- ^ Ukraine tax authorities file charges against Tymoshenko, Interfax Ukraine (11 November 2011)
- ^ Ukraine ‚re-arrests‘ Tymoshenko, EU sends envoy, Kyiv Post (9 December 2011)
- ^ Teixeira: EU concerned about new arrest Tymoshenko, Kyiv Post (9 December 2011)
- ^ Tymoshenko faces indefinite arrest, Kyiv Post (9 December 2011)
- ^ Lawyer: Tymoshenko arrested ‚for life‘, Kyiv Post (9 December 2011)
- ^ Jailed Tymoshenko seen by EU Commissioner Stefan Fuele, BBC News (13 December 2011)
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- ^ Tymoshenko sentence in gas supply case takes legal force, Kyiv Post (23 December 2011)
- ^ Official statement by Yulia Tymoshenko, Kyiv Post (22 December 2011)
- ^ Press release, ECtHR (20 December 2011)
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- ^ Tymoshenko moved to Kachanivska penal colony in Kharkiv (updated), Kyiv Post (30 December 2011)
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- ^ Germany and Canada want to send doctors to examine Tymoshenko, Kyiv Post (1 February 2012)
- ^ a b c Foreign physicians say Tymoshenko seriously ill, Kyiv Post (24 February 2012)
- ^ Canadian doctors: Intimidation by Ukrainian authorities failed, Tymoshenko refused to be ‚cowed‘, Kyiv Post (27 February 2012)
- ^ Report: Tymoshenko’s medical records kept from Canadian doctors, Kyiv Post (25 February 2012)
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- ^ Tymoshenko ready to sacrifice her freedom for liberation of Ukraine, together with Lutsenko, Kyiv Post (27 February 2012)
- ^ (Ukrainian) Генпрокуратура перевіряє Тимошенко на причетність до ще одного вбивства, BBC Ukrainian (7 April 2012)
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- ^ Russia and West condemn Tymoshenko verdict, RIA Novosti (11 October 2011)
- ^ Czech Republic can’t accept politically motivated verdict, Kyiv Post (12 October 2011)
- ^ Italian foreign minister says Tymoshenko verdict unacceptable, Kyiv Post (12 October 2011)
- ^ British Foreign Secretary deeply concerned by conviction of Tymoshenko, Kyiv Post (12 October 2011)
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- ^ EU ‘continues working’ with Ukraine, RIA Novosti (18 October 2011)
- ^ EU: Ukraine deal awaiting action on Tymoshenko, „Kyiv Post“ (20 October 2011)
- ^ EU Hopes Fade As Gas Lobby Triumphs, Kyiv Post (16 December 2011)
- ^ Putin: Tymoshenko verdict unfair, Kyiv Post (11 October 2011)
- ^ US calls for release of Tymoshenko, Kyiv Post (11 October 2011)
- ^ , RIA Novosti (12 October 2011)
- ^ Council of Europe concerned about Tymoshenko trial, Kyiv Post (12 October 2011)
- ^ Amnesty International: Jailed former Ukraine prime minister must be released, Kyiv Post (11 October 2011)
- ^ European party demands permission for Tymoshenko to take tests at EU labs, Kyiv Post (1 March 2012)
- ^ European lawmakers: Association agreement should not be signed with opposition in jail, Kyiv Post (1 March 2012)
- ^ a b c Ukraine’s Dangerous Game by Federico Fubini, Foreign Policy
- ^ Tymoshenko: Ukraine will become a member of the European Union, UNIAN (3 March 2008)
- ^ Tymoshenko sure Ukraine will join European Union, Kyiv Post (31 October 2009)
- ^ Yulia Tymoshenko hopes today’s sitting of Ukraine-EU Cooperation Council to give powerful impetus for Ukraine’s accedence to the EU[dead link], Personal web site of Yulia Tymoshenko (16 June 2009)
- ^ UPDATED: Tymoshenko wants to take country into EU in 5 years, Kyiv Post (14 January 2010)
- ^ Tymoshenko: European project not finished because Ukraine is not there, UNIAN (4 June 2009)
- ^ Ukraine will independently decide on its domestic, foreign policies, says Tymoshenko, Interfax-Ukraine (14 August 2009)
- ^ Tymoshenko: Constitution is the main priority regarding deployment of Russian fleet in Ukraine, Kyiv Post (14 January 2010)
- ^ Yulia Tymoshenko: we must realize that Ukraine is an indivisible state, Official website of Yulia Tymoshenko (Augustus 24, 2010)
- ^ Cite error: Invalid
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- ^ a b Yulia Tymoshenko: In Ukraine there will be „mova“ (Ukrainian language), not „yazyk“ (Russian language)!, Web portal of the Ukrainian Government (25 September 2008)
- ^ Ukrainian premier against granting national status to Russian language, Kyiv Post (20 August 2009)
- ^ Ukraine revisits state sell-offs, BBC News (16 February 2005)
- ^ Ukraine Leader Fires Cabinet as Reform Coalition Splits, The New York Times (9 September 2005)
- ^ Tymoshenko: Ukraine’s economy excessively monopolized, Kyiv Post (7 October 2009)
- ^ Tymoshenko promises not to allow privatization of Ukraine’s gas transportation system, Kyiv Post (16 November 2009)
- ^ Achievements, Official website of Yulia Tymoshenko
- ^ Yulia Tymoshenko: Effective development of coal industry is the future of Ukraine, Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine (25 August 2009)
- ^ Government plans raise general level of social standards, says Tymoshenko, Interfax-Ukraine (1 October 2009)
- ^ Tymoshenko pledges to revamp ailing hospitals by 2012, Kyiv Post (1 November 2009)
- ^ Tymoshenko promises tax breaks for farmers, Interfax-Ukraine (25 November 2009)
- ^ a b Ukraine’s election: portraits of main players, Kyiv Post (1 January 2010)
- ^ a b Economic policies of Ukraine’s election front-runners[dead link], Kyiv Post (18 January 2010)
- ^ Tymoshenko proposes creating independent anti-corruption bureaus in Ukraine, Kyiv Post (8 December 2009)
- ^ Tymoshenko denies seeking deputy immunity from prosecution, Kyiv Post (8 May 2010)
- ^ Tymoshenko: Proportional voting system is the best for Ukraine, Kyiv Post (26 May 2010)
- ^ Tymoshenko proposes to change staff policy in country cardinally, UNIAN (22 October 2009)
- ^ a b Tymoshenko promises to establish ‚dictatorship of law‘ if she wins at presidential elections, Kyiv Post (5 October 2009)
- ^ Tymoshenko speaks in support of decentralization of power, Kyiv Post (5 October 2009)
- ^ Tymoshenko approves of Poroshenko as foreign minister, Kyiv Post (9 October 2009)
- ^ a b Tymoshenko: idea of united opposition is great deception by Yanukovych, UNIAN (15 April 2010)
- ^ Tymoshenko calls Ukraine ‚absolutely ungovernable‘, Kyiv Post (26 November 2009)
- ^ The Report: Emerging Ukraine 2007, Oxford Business Group, 2007, ISBN 978-1-902339-68-9, p. 20
- ^ Ukraine’s constitutional crisis drags on by Taras Kuzio, Kyiv Post (10 January 2007)
- ^ Tymoshenko: Constitution must be amended after survey conducted on form of government, Kyiv Post (20 January 2010)
- ^ Tymoshenko still ready to run for president, Kyiv Post (10 December 2010)
- ^ a b (Russian) Between Ukraine, Armenia and Latvia : Yulia Tymoshenko hides its identity, REGNUM News Agency (20 April 2008)
- ^ a b Ukraine 2007, Stephen Roth Institute (2007)
- ^ (Ukrainian) Tymoshenko is Ukraine-Latvian nationality, but he loves the Jews, Ukrayinska Pravda (2 September 2005)
- ^ Debate rages over whether Ukraine presidential hopeful is Jewish, Haaretz (10 November 2009)
- ^ Campaign gets dirty: Leaflets smear Tymoshenko as ‘Jew’, Kyiv Post (5 February 2010)
- ^ Michael Dubinyansky. „Information war, holy war“, Ukrayinska Pravda Thursday 16 October 2008
- ^ In Sniatyn install a plaque Abram Kapitelmanu – grandfather Tymoshenko. Site „http://ru.tsn.ua„, 2 September 2009. – Provocative initiative „Party of Regions“ (the author is a former member of „the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc“ Zinovy Boychuk) – under the advocacy company of „Tymoshenko is Jewish woman“.
- ^ „# b2_2 The reply of the Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko to blame the Minister of Transport „Chervonenko, Eugene Alfredovich“, autumn 2005″. Farysei.narod.ru. Retrieved 11 October 2011.
- ^ „Citizenship“. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. Retrieved 18 April 2008.
- ^ „Law on Citizenship of Ukraine“. Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine. Retrieved 18 April 2008.
- ^ Gender bias, anti-Semitism contributed to Yanukovych’s victory, Kyiv Post (18 March 2010)
- ^ „Dossier: Yulia Tymoshenko“. File.liga.net. 27 November 1960. Retrieved 11 October 2011.
- ^ a b Yulia Tymoshenko’s daughter: ‚My mother’s trial was a trial of revenge‘, guardian.co.uk (16 October 2011)
- ^ (Ukrainian) Донька Тимошенко взяла мамине прізвище. Для політики?, Ukrayinska Pravda (16 December 2011)
- ^ „Site of „Death Valley Screamers“, 2011″. Deathvalleyscreamers.co.uk. Retrieved 11 October 2011.
- ^ „Death Valley Screamers – „Bonnie & Clyde“ Moon Records. 2011″. Youtube. 15 August 2010. Retrieved 11 October 2011.
- ^ Tymoshenko declares her incomes, UNIAN (7 April 2008)
- ^ a b As President, Yulia Tymoshenko will not use state dachas, Official website of Yulia Tymoshenko (4 January 2010)
- ^ a b Yulia Tymoshenko has never used a government summer house, Official website of Yulia Tymoshenko (19 December 2009)
- ^ Ukrayinska Pravda exposes president’s Mezhygirya deal, Kyiv Post (6 May 2009)
- ^ a b While leading lavish lifestyles, politicians declare almost pauper-like incomes, assets, Kyiv Post (17 June 2010)
- ^ (Russian) Тимошенко сказала, что по-украински стала говорить с 36 лет, RIA Novosti (3 January 2010); Quote: „Я начала говорить на украинском, когда мне было где-то 36 лет, а до этого у меня мама и вся семья – мы все разговаривали на русском. У меня до сих пор мама обычно не разговаривает на украинском.“ („I beginning to speak in Ukrainian when I was around 36. Before that, my mother and the rest of my family, we all conversed in Russian. My mother still usually doesn’t talk in Ukrainian.“)
- ^ a b Тимошенко у домогосподарки не піде, а у Facebook – обіцяє, Tablo ID (3 February 2011)
- ^ Tymoshenko today: no braids, in coat from Valentino. The site «Oboz», 11.1.2007.
- ^ Solana happy with Tymoshenko’s constructive mood in opposition, Kyiv Post (1 April 2010)
- ^ Pynzenyk, ex-finance minister, calls Tymoshenko ‘destructive force’, Kyiv Post (3 December 2010)
- ^ See Ukrainian presidential election, 2010#Opinion polls for references and more information
- ^ Poll says Ukraine’s president should step down now, UNIAN (17 February 2009)
- ^ Majority of Ukrainians believe Tymoshenko defends her own interests, UNIAN (17 February 2009)
- ^ Ukrainians have lost confidence in government’s handling of crisis, says poll, Interfax-Ukraine (17 February 2009)
- ^ Ukraine’s Yanukovich shuns TV face-off with rival, Kyiv Post (1 February 2010)
- ^ „Ukrainian News Portal“. Mukachevo.net. Retrieved 18 February 2011.
- ^ (Ukrainian) Family and Home
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- ^ „Тайна богатства Леди Ю“. Vlasti.net. Retrieved 18 February 2011.
- ^ „Тимошенко: прошлое и будущее Леди Ю“. Obozrevatel.com. Retrieved 18 February 2011.
- ^ Top-POP. „Прощальное фото правительства Леди Ю“. Kp.ua. Retrieved 18 February 2011.
- ^ (Ukrainian) Історія об’єднання „Нашої України“ та БЮТ [репортаж, відео], 5 Kanal (12 December 2010)
- ^ Tymoshenko’s activity at post of Prime Minister is reason of crises in Ukraine – Yushchenko, UNIAN (24 November 2009)
- ^ Yushchenko told about his ‚worst mistake‘, Kyiv Post (31 May 2010)
- ^ Yushchenko’s hand in the imprisonment of Yulia Tymoshenko, Kyiv Post (17 November 2011)
- ^ Yanukovych says will not intervene over Tymoshenko, Kyiv Post (13 May 2010)
- ^ Regions Party calls Tymoshenko most effective opposition figure in Ukraine, Kyiv Post (11 February 2010)
- ^ „Former Ukraine PM is jailed in US“. BBC News. 25 August 2006. Retrieved 26 August 2006.
- ^ ‚The braid‘ is crowning glory for the Ukrainian politician Yulia Tymoshenko, The New York Times (7 October 2007)
- ^ (Ukrainian) Тимошенко і „Віттон“ – Люксембурзький „мове тон“, Tablo ID (17 June 2009)
- ^ (Ukrainian) Юлія Тимошенко і Катерина Ющенко вдарили по Chanel, Tablo ID (19 November 2008)
- ^ „The 100 Most Powerful Women“. Forbes. 27 August 2008. Retrieved 27 August 2008.
- ^ „The 100 Most Powerful Women – No.47 Yulia Tymoshenko“. Forbes. 20 August 2009.
- ^ 18 November 2010, 15:37 (14 February 2011). „ТОП-100 найвпливовіших жінок“. Tabloid.pravda.com.ua. Retrieved 18 February 2011.
- ^ „100 самых влиятельных женщин Украины. Рейтинг Фокуса“. Focus.ua. Retrieved 18 February 2011.
- ^ Westcott, Kathryn (4 October 2007). „The queen of Ukraine’s image machine“. BBC News. Retrieved 5 October 2007.
- ^ Oh Yes, Minister! Meet the women voted the world’s most stunning politicians (what WOULD Sir Humphrey say…), Daily Mail (26 March 2009)
- ^ (Spanish) ¿Quién es la política más linda del mundo?, 20 Minutos (26 March 2009)
- ^ Korolevska: BYT nominating Tymoshenko for Nobel Peace Prize, Kyiv Post (15 December 2011)
- BBC News (4 March 2010). „Profile: Yulia Tymoshenko“. (article is updated on an occasional basis)
- Aslund/McFaul, Anders/Michael A. (2006). Revolution in Orange: The Origins of Ukraine’s Democratic Breakthrough. Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. ISBN 0-87003-221-6.
- The Report: Emerging Ukraine 2007, Oxford Business Group, 2007, ISBN 978-1-902339-68-9
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Yulia Tymoshenko|
- Official website
- Audio & Video about Yulia Tymoshenko avi, mp3
- Tymoshenko photo archive 2000–2009
- Tymoshenko’s opinion commentaries at Project Syndicate.
- Prime Minister at Government Portal
- Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc website (English)
- Korrespondent.net profile
- Time magazine profile
- Ukraine PM makes Elle front cover (19 April 2005, BBC News)
- BBC Audio & Video about Yulia Tymoshenko including an audio interview with Yulia Tymoshenko from 15 April 2005
- Yulia Tymoshenko approval rating (2001–2010, by Razumkov Centre think-tank)
|Prime Minister of Ukraine
|Prime Minister of Ukraine