Emma Goldman

Emma Goldman (* 15. Junijul./ 27. Juni 1869greg. in Kowno, heute Litauen; † 14. Mai 1940 in Toronto, Kanada) war eine jüdische Anarchistin und Friedensaktivistin. Sie wurde bekannt durch ihre Schriften und Reden, als „rebellische Frau“ von Anhängern gefeiert und von Kritikern als Fürsprecherin politisch motivierter Morde und gewalttätiger Aufstände verurteilt.

Emma Goldman spielte eine entscheidende Rolle bei der Entwicklung einer anarchistischen politischen Philosophie in den USA und in Europa in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts. Sie emigrierte im Alter von 17 Jahren in die USA und wurde später nach Rußland deportiert, wo sie Zeugin der Auswirkungen der Russischen Revolution von 1917 wurde. Sie verbrachte einige Jahre in Südfrankreich, wo sie ihre Autobiographie „Gelebtes Leben“ und andere Werke verfasste, ehe sie 1936 am Spanischen Bürgerkrieg als englischsprachige Vertretung der Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) in London teilnahm. Sie gilt als herausragende Figur sowohl des US-amerikanischen Anarchismus als auch der frühen US-amerikanischen Friedensbewegung.

Emma Goldman, Tochter eines jüdischen Theaterdirektors, wuchs zunächst in Kowno im Russischen Reich (heute: Kaunas/Litauen) auf und lebte vom 7. bis zum 13. Lebensjahr bei ihrer Großmutter im ostpreußischen Königsberg, wo sie die Schule besuchte. In der Zeit der politischen Unterdrückung nach dem Attentat auf Zar Alexander II. zog sie im Alter von 13 Jahren mit ihrer Familie nach Sankt Petersburg.

Dort arbeitete Emma Goldman in einer Fabrik als Korsettmacherin und kam in Kontakt mit revolutionären Ideen und mit Arbeiten revolutionärer Anarchisten einschließlich der Geschichte der politischen Attentate im zaristischen Rußland. Emma Goldman kam an eine Kopie von Nikolai Tschernyschewskis Schrift Was tun?, welche den Grundstein für ihre eigenen anarchistischen Ideen und ihre unabhängige Einstellung bildete.

Mit 17 emigrierte Emma Goldman mit ihrer älteren Schwester Helene nach Rochester, New York, um mit ihrer Schwester Lena zu leben. Dort arbeitete sie einige Jahre in einer Textilfabrik.

Emma Goldman heiratete 1887 den Arbeitskollegen Jacob Kershner, wodurch sie die US amerikanische Staatsbürgerschaft erhielt.

Die Hinrichtung von vier Anarchisten nach der Haymarket Affäre trieb die junge Emma Goldman im Alter von 20 Jahren zur anarchistischen Bewegung. Nachdem sich der Aufruhr im Zuge der Hinrichtung gelegt hatte, verließ Emma Goldman Mann und Familie und reiste zunächst nach New Haven, Connecticut und dann nach New York.

Emma Goldman und Jacob Kershner ließen sich scheiden.

Inspiriert von den feurigen Reden des Johann Most und von den Rufen nach einem gewalttätigen Kampf nach dem Haymarket Riot wurde Emma Goldman von der Notwendigkeit des Attentates überzeugt. Das hieß die Anwendung gezielter Gewalt, einschließlich der Ermordung politisch wichtiger Persönlichkeiten als ein notwendiges Instrument, um politischen und sozialen Wandel herbeizuführen, im Sinne der anarchistischen Propaganda der Tat.

In New York traf Emma Goldman ihren späteren zeitweiligen Lebenspartner und lebenslangen Freund Alexander Berkman, eine damals hervorragende Gestalt der US-amerikanischen Anarchisten, mit dem Emma Goldman bis zu seinem Tod 1936 zusammen blieb. Unter dem Einfluß von anarchistischen Schriftstellern, wie Johann Most gelangten die beiden zur Überzeugung, dass die direkte Aktion, einschließlich der Anwendung von Gewalt, für den revolutionären Wandel notwendig war (Propaganda der Tat).

Emma Goldman und Alexander Berkman waren über den Homestead-Streik sehr erregt, bei dem Streikende 1892 ein Stahlwerk in Homestead besetzt und die Werksführung ausgeschlossen hatten. Nachdem Pinkerton Detektive die Rückeroberung der Fabrik und die Vertreibung der Streikenden versuchten, brach eine Revolte aus, die den Tod mehrerer Männer zur Folge hatte. Mit Emma Goldmans Unterstützung entschied Berkman die Streikenden durch gewaltsame Maßnahmen zu unterstützen, indem sie den Werksleiter, Henry Clay Frick, umbrachten.

Berkman drang in Fricks Büro ein und schoß drei mal auf ihn. Frick überlebte das Attentat, Alexander Berkman wurde des versuchten Mordes überführt und zu 14 Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt.

Wie Emma Goldman später in ihren Memoiren bekannte, war sie sich der Absichten Alexander Berkmans völlig bewußt:

Wir waren geschockt. Wir erkannten sofort, dass die Zeit unseres Manifests verstrichen war. Worte hatten ihr Gesicht der Bedeutung im Angesicht des unschuldigen Blutes verloren, dass an den Ufern des Monongahela Flusses vergossen wurde. Intuitiv fühlten beide, was im Herzen des anderen hervorquoll. Sascha [Alexander Berkman] brach das Schweigen. „Frick ist der verantwortliche Faktor in diesem Verbrechen“, sagte er, „er muss dafür zur Verantwortung gezogen werden“. Es war der psychologische Moment für ein Attentat; das ganze Land war in Erregung und jeder betrachtete Frick als den Schuldigen an einem kaltblütigen Mord. Ein Schlag gegen Frick würde in der ärmlichsten Hütte ihren Widerhall finden, würde die Aufmerksamkeit der ganzen Welt auf den wirklichen Grund für den Homestead-Streik lenken. Es würde auch Angst in die Reihen des Feindes tragen und sie erkennen lassen, dass das Proletariat Amerikas seine Rächer hatte.

Die Behörden gingen davon aus, daß Emma Goldman bei der Planung dieses Anschlages beteiligt war, aber Alexander Berkman und die anderen Verschwörer weigerten sich, gegen sie auszusagen, und sie wurde nicht angeklagt. Ihre Rechtfertigung Alexander Berkmans nach dem versuchten Mord und ihre späteren Versuche, seine vorzeitige Entlassung zu erwirken, machten Emma Goldman bei den Behörden sehr unbeliebt. Alexander Berkman wurde 1906 auf Bewährung entlassen.

Zunächst waren Alexander Berkman und Emma Goldman der Meinung, den Ideen ihres Mentors Johann Most zu folgen, aber sie wurden bald von ihm enttäuscht. Wie Emma Goldman bemerkte, predigte Most „Gewaltakte von den Dächern herunter“ und wurde zu einem der lautstärksten Kritiker Berkmans nach dem Attentat. In der Zeitschrift Freiheit griff Most Emma Goldman und Berkman an und behauptete, daß die Tat dazu gedacht war, Sympathien für Frick zu erregen.

Historikerin Alice Wexler meint, daß Eifersucht auf Alexander Berkman hinter dieser Anklage stecken könnte oder seine sich wandelnde Auffassungen hinsichtlich der Nützlichkeit politischer Anschläge. Mosts Anschuldigungen machten Emma Goldman wütend und zwar nicht wegen seiner Andeutungen, daß sie am Attentat beteiligt war, sondern wegen seiner Kritik an dessen Nutzen und daß es Sympathie für Frick erregen sollte.

Emma Goldman verlangte von Most, daß er seine Aussagen widerrief oder diese bewies, was dieser verweigerte. Daraufhin brachte Emma Goldman eine Peitsche mit zu seinem nächsten Vortrag. Nachdem er sich weigerte, mit Emma Goldman zu sprechen, schlug sie ihm damit ins Gesicht, brach sie übers Knie und warf die Stücke nach ihm. Später bedauerte sie diesen Angriff als sie sich einem Freund anvertraute: „Im Alter von 23 argumentiert man nicht.“

1893 freundete sich Emma Goldman mit Hippolyte Havel an und begann, weite Reisen zu unternehmen, auf denen sie Reden für die Libertäre Sozialistische Bewegung hielt, oft finanziert vom IWW.

Im Jahre 1893 wurde Emma Goldman wegen „Anstiftung zum Aufruhr“ zu einem Jahr im Roosevelt Island Gefängnis verurteilt.

  • Emma Goldman hatte öffentlich Arbeitslose dazu aufgefordert, nach Arbeit zu verlangen.
  • Wenn sie ihnen keine Arbeit geben, sollten sie nach Brot verlangen.
  • Wenn sie weder Arbeit noch Brot erhielten, sollten sie das Brot nehmen.
Bei dieser Aussage handelt es sich um eine Zusammenfassung des Prinzips der Enteignung, wie es vom Anarchisten Pjotr Alexejewitsch Kropotkin vertreten wurde.
Ihre Verurteilung erfolgte trotz der Aussage von 12 Zeugen zu ihren Ungunsten. Das Urteil der Jury beruhte einzig auf der Aussage eines Kriminalbeamten Jacobs. Während ihres Jahres im Gefängnis entwickelt Emma Goldman ein großes Interesse an Krankenbetreuung, das sie später in den Wohnquartieren an der Lower East Side zur Anwendung brachte.

Der Anarchist Leon Czolgosz erschoß am 6. September 1901 den amerikanischen Präsidenten William McKinley, als dieser seine Hand schütteln wollte. Czolgosz und neun weitere Anarchisten, einschließlich Abe und Mary Isaak, wurden verhaftet. Emma Goldman hatte Czolgosz kurz einige Wochen zuvor getroffen, als er sie um Rat für einen Studienvortrag über anarchistische Ideen fragte.

Die Ermordung McKinleys und der schnell sich ausbreitende Gebrauch von Gewalt durch andere eingewanderte Anarchisten befleckte die Ziele des Anarchismus und brachten ihn in der öffentlichen Auffassung in Mißkredit. Folglich suchten sich soziale und politische Bewegungen, wie z.B. die Arbeiterbewegung, für die sich die Anarchisten stark gemacht hatten, von ihnen zu distanzieren. Emma Goldman wurde am 24. September wieder auf freien Fuß gesetzt, nachdem es den Behörden nicht gelungen war, sie und andere in direkten Zusammenhang mit dem Attentat zu bringen. Leon Czolgosz wurde verurteilt und hingerichtet.

Im Jahre 1906 veröffentlichte Emma Goldman zusammen mit Alexander Berkman die Monatszeitschrift „Mother Earth“ („Mutter Erde“), die sich mit dem Tagesgeschehen aus dem anarcha-feministischen Blickwinkel befasste.

Sie druckten darin Aufsätze u.a. von Friedrich Nietzsche und dem christlichen Anarchisten Leo Tolstoi, die beide wesentlichen Einfluss auf ihr Denken hatten. Über Nietzsche meinte Emma Goldman:

„Nietzsche war kein Sozialtheoretiker, sondern ein Dichter, ein Rebell und Neuerer. Seine hohe Klasse entsprang nicht seiner Geburt oder seinem Geldbeutel, sondern seinem Geiste. In dieser Hinsicht war Nietzsche ein Anarchist und alle wahren Anarchisten waren Aristokraten“

(Gelebtes Leben, 1931).

Mit ihrer fortwährenden Propagierung anarchistischer und radikaler Ziele zog Emma Goldman mehr und mehr die Aufmerksamkeit der Bundesbehörden auf sich. 1908 wurde ihre US-Staatsbürgerschaft widerrufen.

1914 nahm Emma Goldman mit Berkman an anarchistischen Protesten gegen John D. Rockefeller teil, die von der Polizei brutal auseinander getrieben wurden. Angeblich soll Alexander Berkman mit vier anderen Anarchisten an einem Bombenanschlag auf Rockefellers Tarrytown Anwesen in New York beteiligt gewesen sein. Am 4. Juli verließ einer der Verschwörer ihre Wohnung, in der die Bombe gebastelt wurde, um Berkman in der Redaktion der „Mother Earth“ aufzusuchen. Fünfzehn Minuten später ging die Bombe in der Wohnung hoch, wobei alle Bewohner einschließlich der übrigen Verschwörer ums Leben kamen. Alexander Berkman stritt jede Kenntnis von dem Vorhaben ab. Es ist nicht bekannt, ob Emma Goldman eingeweiht war. Nachdem Alexander Berkman Grabreden für die Anarchisten gehalten und ein weiteres Jahr für „Mother Earth“ tätig war, zog er nach San Francisco, wo er seine eigene revolutionäre Zeitschrift, „The Blast“, gründete.

Emma Goldman spricht auf dem Union Square, 21. Mai 1916

Wie viele zeitgenössische Feministen betrachtete Emma Goldman die Abtreibung als eine tragische Konsequenz sozialer Zustände und Geburtenkontrolle als positive Alternative. 1911 hatte sie in ihrer Zeitschrift geschrieben:

Abtreibungen haben in Amerika unglaublich abschreckende Ausmaße angenommen….Die Not der Arbeiterklasse ist so groß, dass auf 100 Schwangerschaften 17 Abtreibungen vorkommen.

Emma Goldman begann über Geburtenkontrolle zu reden und wurde am 11. Februar 1916 nach einem Vortrag in New York festgenommen und im April zu einer Geldstrafe von 100 Dollar, alternativ 15 Tage Haft, verurteilt. Da sie sich aus prinzipiellen Erwägungen weigerte, eine Geldstrafe zu zahlen, wurde Emma Goldman zur Verbüßung ihrer Haft ins Queens County Jail gebracht. Im Gefängnis freundete sich Emma Goldman mit Gabriella Segata Antolini, einer Anarchistin und Anhängerin Luigi Galleanis an, den sie später persönlich treffen würde. Antolini war verhaftet worden, weil sie einen Rucksack mit Dynamit in einem Zug nach Chicago bei sich hatte. Emma Goldman hatte sich standhaft geweigert, irgendwelche Informationen preiszugeben und saß dafür 14 Monate im Gefängnis ab.

In den Kriegsjahren reiste Emma Goldman weiterhin umher, hielt Reden gegen den Krieg und traf andere Mitglieder der radikalen Linken in Amerika. Nach ihrer Entlassung aus dem Gefängnis kehrte Alexander Berkman aus San Francisco zurück, um mit ihr zusammenzuarbeiten und wieder für Mother Earth zu schreiben. In Barre, Vermont, traf Goldman Luigi Galleani, einen, wie er sich selbst nannte, „Subversiven“ und Komplizen verschiedener anarchistisch-kommunistischer Gruppen. Er war Herausgeber der anarchistischen Zeitschrift „Cronaca Sovversiva“ als auch einer detaillierten Anleitung zum Bomben basteln mit dem Tarntitel „La Salute é in Voi“ („Das Heil liegt in Dir selbst“), die bei Anarchisten weite Verbreitung fand. Als „aufständischer Anarchist“ war Galleani vom gewaltsamen Umsturz der Regierung überzeugt. Goldman war sich dieser Tatsache voll bewusst. Dieses Treffen und der kurze Kontakt mit Galleani würde sie später noch verfolgen.

Emma Goldman wurde 1917 erneut verhaftet und eingesperrt, dieses Mal wegen „Verschwörung zur Verhinderung der Einberufung zur Armee“. Goldman und Berkman waren beide bei der Bildung der „No Conscription Leagues“ („Liga gegen die Wehrpflicht“) beteiligt und organisierten Versammlungen gegen den Krieg. Emma Goldman war davon überzeugt, daß der Militarismus besiegt werden müsse, um Frieden zu erzielen. In Anarchism and Other Essays (Anarchismus und Andere Schriften) schrieb sie: „Der größte Vorposten des Kapitalismus ist der Militarismus. Genau in dem Augenblick, in dem der letztere unterminiert wird, wird der Kapitalismus wanken“. Am 15. Juni 1917 verabschiedete der Kongreß das „Espionage Act“ („Spionage Gesetz“), welches Strafen für Störungen der Außenpolitik und für Spionage vorsah. Demnach konnten hohe Geld- und Gefängnisstrafen bis zu 20 Jahren für jeden verhängt werden, der die Einberufung behinderte oder Illoyalität gegenüber der US-Regierung ermutigte.

Nachdem Emma Goldman und Alexander Berkman weiterhin in Schriften und Reden die Bürger zur Verweigerung der Registrierung und der Einberufung aufforderten, schritten die Bundesbehörden ein. Die Redaktionsräume der Zeitschrift „Mother Earth“ wurden gründlich durchsucht und umfangreiche Akten und Abonnementlisten wurden beschlagnahmt. Eine Presseveröffentlichung des Justizministeriums lautete: „Eine Wagenladung anarchistischer Daten und Propagandamaterials wurde beschlagnahmt. Hierzu gehörte vermutlich ein komplettes Register der Freunde der Anarchie in den USA. Es wurde eine sauber geführte Kartendatei gefunden, von der die Bundespolizisten annehmen, daß sie die Identifizierungsarbeit von Personen erleichtert, die in verschiedenen Büchern und Zeitungen genannt werden. Die Abonnementslisten der Zeitschriften „Mother Earth“ und „The Blast“ mit 10.000 Namen wurden ebenfalls konfisziert.“ Emma Goldman wurde wegen Vergehens gegen Bundesgesetze verurteilt und saß zwei weitere Jahre im Gefängnis.

Im Zuge der Palmer Raids (Palmerschen Razzien) wurden Tausende von Verhaftungen durchgeführt und vielen drohte die Ausweisung. Ironischerweise waren es Emma Goldmans detaillierte Karteien, die zur Ergreifung anderer Radikaler vermutlich mindestens ebenso beitrugen, wie die teilweise illegalen Maßnahmen der Regierung, wie Telefonabhören und Durchsuchungen ohne richterliche Anweisung. Nach der damaligen US-Gesetzgebung konnte auch Emma Goldman, nachdem ihr die Staatsbürgerschaft aberkannt worden war, als „unerwünschte Ausländerin“ auf Grundlage des „Sedition Act, 1918“ („Aufwiegelungsgesetz“) und des Anarchist Exclusion Act sowie ihrer zweimaligen Verurteilung wegen krimineller Vergehen ausgewiesen werden. Bei der Anhörung wurden ihr ihre Kontakte mit bekannten Vertretern von Gewalt, u.a. mit Luigi Galleani, vorgeworfen. Der Vertreter der Regierung bei dieser Anhörung war J. Edgar Hoover, der Emma Goldman als „eine der gefährlichsten Anarchisten in Amerika“ bezeichnete. Emma Goldman wurde zusammen mit Berkman ausgewiesen. Viele der Radikalen aus ihren Karteien teilten das gleiche Schicksal mit ihnen.

Die Deportation fand Ende 1919 statt. Emma Goldman und Alexander Berkman kamen zusammen mit anderen Ausgewiesenen russischer Herkunft auf ein Schiff, das in die Sowjetunion fuhr. Die beiden konnten bei ihrer Ankunft aus erster Hand die Nachwirkungen der Russischen Revolution von 1917 erfahren. Emma Goldman war darauf vorbereitet, die Bolschewiki zu unterstützen, trotz der Spaltung der Anarchisten von den Kommunisten auf der Ersten Internationalen. Aber die politische Repression und die Zwangsarbeit widersprachen ihrer anarchistischen Einstellung. Die blutige Niederschlagung des Kronstädter Matrosenaufstandes durch die Rote Armee (unter der Führung des Juden Leo Trotzki) im Jahre 1921 entfremdeten Emma Goldman und die anderen Anarchisten vollends von den Bolschewiki.

Emma Goldman erkannte noch lange vor dem Stalinschen Terror, daß Lenins Regime mit der Arbeiterdemokratie der Räte Schluß machen und in die Tyrannei führen würde.

Die Bolschewiki argumentierten dagegen, daß die streikenden Matrosen sich mit der Weißen Armee und französischen Monarchisten verschworen hatten, und damit eine schwerwiegende gegenrevolutionäre Macht darstellten. Darauf hin entstanden Emma Goldmans Schriften My Disillusionment in Russia (Meine Enttäuschung über Rußland) und My Further Disillusionment in Russia (Meine weitere Enttäuschung über Rußland).

Emma Goldman war auch völlig niedergeschlagen von den zahlreichen Zerstörungen und Toten infolge des Bürgerkrieges, in dem konterrevolutionäre Strömungen, unterstützt durch ausländische Regierungen, wie z.B. die USA und Japan, versuchten, den jungen kommunistischen Staat zu erdrosseln, ehe er seine Ideologie in andere Länder verbreiten konnte.

Emma Goldman war mit den amerikanischen Kommunisten John Reed und Louise Bryant befreundet: Beide hielten sich zu der Zeit ebenfalls in der Sowjetunion auf, als es unmöglich war, das Land zu verlassen. Als der Jude Trotzki schließlich vor Stalin ins Exil floh, führte Emma Goldman die öffentliche Auseinandersetzung mit ihm noch bis zu seiner Ermordung im Jahre 1940 fort.

Nach zwei Jahren verließen Emma Goldman und Alexander Berkman Rußland. Die Erfahrungen, wie die Bolschewiki an die Macht gelangt waren, hatten sie ihre frühere Überzeugung, daß der Zweck die Mittel heiligt, überdenken lassen.

Emma Goldman akzeptierte Gewalt als ein notwendiges Übel im Prozeß der sozialen Transformation. Die Erfahrungen in Rußland machten jedoch eine Differenzierung notwendig. Emma Goldman schrieb: „Ich weiß, daß jeder große politische und soziale Wandel in der Vergangenheit Gewalt bedingte. … Es ist jedoch eine Sache, Gewalt im Kampf als Mittel zur Verteidigung anzuwenden. Es ist eine ganz andere Sache, den Terrorismus zum Prinzip zu erheben, ihn zu institutionalisieren, ihm den obersten Rang im sozialen Kampf zuzuweisen. Solcher Terrorismus gebiert Konterrevolution und wird dabei selbst konterrevolutionär.“

Diese Ansichten waren unter den Radikalen nicht beliebt, denn die meisten wollten immer noch glauben, daß die russische Revolution ein Erfolg war. Als Emma Goldman 1921 nach England zog, wo sie bei alten Freunden blieb, war sie in ihrer Verurteilung der Bolschewiki in der Linken faktisch allein und ihre Vorträge waren schwach besucht.

Im Jahre 1926 heiratete Emma Goldman den Waliser James Colton, der ihr damit zur britischen Staatsbürgerschaft verhalf und sie vor einer drohenden Ausweisung rettete.

Ihr wurde 1934 erlaubt, in die USA für eine Vortragsreihe wieder einzureisen, unter der Bedingung, daß sich Emma Goldman öffentlicher politischer Diskussionen enthält.

Emma Goldman zog nach Frankreich, wo Peggy Guggenheim Mittel für ein Ferienhaus in Saint-Tropez an der Côte d’Azur aufbrachte. Emma Goldman nannten ihr Haus „Bon Esprit“ („Guter Geist“). Dort konnte Emma Goldman schreiben und korrespondieren, aber sie war isoliert.

Alexander Berkman, der unweit von ihr in Nizza lebte und schon lange krank war, erschoß sich im Jahre 1936, kurz vor dem Ausbruch des Spanischen Bürgerkrieges. Emma Goldman konnte noch rechtzeitig an sein Sterbebett eilen.

1936 ging Emma Goldman nach Spanien, um der Spanischen Republik im Kampf gegen die Franquisten zu helfen (Spanischer Bürgerkrieg). Das paßte zu ihrer Überzeugung, daß Freiheit aus dem Widerstand gegen Unterdrückung entsteht. Emma Goldman schrieb in ‚Anarchism and Other Essays‘:

„Die Menschen würden politisch noch immer in absoluter Sklaverei verharren, wenn es die John Balls, die Wat Tylers, die Wilhelm Tells nicht gäbe, die unzähligen individuellen Giganten, die Schritt für Schritt gegen die Macht von Königen und Tyrannen kämpften.“

Im weiteren Verlauf kritisierte sie in scharfer Form den Regierungsbeitritt der Anarchisten im November desselben Jahres.

In dieser Zeit schrieb sie den Nachruf auf den bekannten spanischen Anarchisten Buenaventura Durruti unter dem Titel: „Durruti ist tot, aber er lebt“, worin sie Percy Bysshe Shelleys Adonai reflektiert.

Goldman Grab im August 2007. Die Inschrift zeigt ein falsches Todesdatum.

Emma Goldman starb am 14. Mai 1940 im Alter von 70 Jahren nach einem Schlaganfall in Toronto, Kanada. Die US-Behörden erlaubten die Überführung ihres Körpers in die USA, wo Emma Goldman auf dem Deutschen Waldheim Friedhof (German Waldheim Cemetery) beigesetzt wurde. Dieser ist heute Teil des Forest Home Cemetery in Forest Park, Illinois, einem Vorort von Chicago. Ihr Grab liegt in der Nähe der Gräber der Hingerichteten des Haymarket Aufstandes. Auf ihrem Grabstein steht „Liberty will not descend to a people, a people must raise themselves to Liberty” („Freiheit wird nicht zu einem Volk herabsteigen; ein Volk muss sich selbst zur Freiheit erheben“). Eine Stadtlegende in Toronto besagt, daß Emma Goldmans Geist die Gewerkschaftshalle an der Spadina Avenue heimsuche, in der sie oft Reden hielt, in der sie aufgebahrt wurde und in der sich heute ein chinesisches Restaurant befindet.

Emma Goldman hat in ihren Schriften vor allem den Anarchismus propagiert und zur Frauenfrage und zum Antimilitarismus publiziert.

Emma Goldman lehnte den Staat, die kapitalistische Wirtschaft und Religion ab und sah diese als unterdrückend und dem menschlichen Streben nach Freiheit entgegenstehend an. Emma Goldman stützte Kropotkins These, dass die Menschen von Natur soziale Wesen seien. Nur die Zerstörung der gesellschaftlichen Institutionen, die dem entgegenstehen, könnten die Solidarität wirklich freisetzen. Das Ziel der befreiten Gesellschaft ist für Emma Goldman der möglichst freie Ausdruck aller versteckten Fähigkeiten und Individuen.

Emma Goldman hat sich in ihren Arbeiten vor allem auf ProudhonBakunin und Kropotkin gestützt. Weitere Bezüge finden sich zu StirnerNietzscheIbsen und Freud.

Emma Goldman mit ihrem langjährigen Freund Alexander Berkman
  • Emma Goldman verknüpfte anarchistische mit feministischen Positionen, in dem sie die Mißstände, die zur Unterdrückung des weiblichen Geschlechts führten, als gesamtgesellschaftliches Problem begriff.
  • Die Unterdrückung der Frau setzt sie mit der Unterdrückung der Bevölkerung gleich und forderte danach einen gleichzeitigen Kampf für die Verbesserung der Lebensbedingungen der Frau mit dem für eine befreite Gesellschaft.
  • Die wahre Emanzipation schließt für sie die Männer ein.

Emma Goldman lehnte die reine Gleichstellung der Frau mit dem Mann in einem hierarchischen System ab und vertrat in ihren Vorstellungen die Idee starker, selbstbewußter, selbstbestimmter Frauen, die sich ihrer Fähigkeiten, ihres Körpers und ihrer Sexualität bewußt sind.

Ein weiteres Feld von Goldmans Aktivität betraf die Forderung der freien Geburtenkontrolle für die Frau, die sie etwa mit Vorträgen über Empfängnisverhütung unterstützte. Ungewollte Schwangerschaften schaffen nach Emma Goldman unglückliche Kinder und verstärken wirtschaftliche Nöte und Abhängigkeiten der Frau.

Nur unter der Vorgabe der Freiwilligkeit sah Emma Goldman eine Möglichkeit zum selbstbestimmten Zusammenleben von Individuen. Sie befürwortete die freie Liebe und lehnte die Ehe als rein ökonomisches Instrument ab, das zu Abhängigkeit führe, tradierte Moralvorstellungen festige und sowohl Mann als Frau in ihrer Emanzipation behindere.

Emma Goldman wandte sich stark gegen das Militär, das sie als Instrument zur Unterdrückung sowohl anderer Nationen als auch der Soldaten sah. Besonders kritisch betrachtete sie die USA, die schon in ihrer Zeit zur Weltmacht aufgerüstet waren. Schon in der Schule würden „Kinder in militärischer Taktik geübt, der Ruhm militärischer Siege stundenplanmäßig besungen und das kindliche Bewußtsein pervertiert, um der Regierung zu gefallen“. Ein stehendes Heer und Marine wurde von Goldman als Zeichen von Zerfall der Freiheit gewertet. Goldman begriff die Anarchisten als „einzige wirkliche Advokaten des Friedens“ und die einzigen, die sich gegen den Militarismus wenden. Goldman erwartete, daß sich auch die anderen Menschen eines Tages solidarisch verhielten, das Militär und den Krieg boykottieren und sich friedlich und frei zusammenschließen werden. 1925 war Emma Goldman auf der internationalen Konferenz der pazifistisch-antimilitaristischen War Resisters’ International (WRI) in Hoddeston (Herts.) England, wo Emma Goldman u.a. Helene Stöcker und Pierre Ramus traf. Über Krieg bemerkte sie grundsätzlich, dass er „nur einen Höhepunkt in der dauernd vom Staate ausgeübten Unterdrückung darstelle. Der Staat selbst ist die ausgesprochenste Form der Unterdrückung. Er greift in jede Lebenssphäre ein und wirkt daher als andauernder Zwang.“ Dem Staat würde nicht das Recht zustehen über das menschliche Leben zu verfügen und es gelte gegen Krieg wirksamen Widerstand zu leisten.

Zitate

  • “If voting changed anything, they’d make it illegal.” (Frei übersetzt: „Würden Wahlen etwas ändern, so wären sie verboten!“)
  • „The most violent element in society is ignorance.“ (Frei übersetzt: „Das gewalttätigste Element der Gesellschaft ist die Unwissenheit.“)
Fälschlich zugeschrieben
  • „If I can’t dance, I don’t want to be part of your revolution.“ (Frei übersetzt: „Wenn ich nicht tanzen darf, möchte ich an eurer Revolution nicht beteiligt sein.“) Eine sinngemäße Passage findet sich allerdings in ihrer Autobiografie.

Nachleben

Die kanadische Dramatikerin Carol Bolt verfasste 1974 das sozialkritische Theaterstück Red Emma, Queen of the Anarchists, in dem sie den glühenden Feminismus Emma Goldmanns feierte. Das Stück blieb derart populär, daß es 1996 von der Canadian Opera Company als Oper adaptiert wurde.

Werke

Literatur

  • Candace Falk: Liebe und Anarchie & Emma Goldman. Ein erotischer Briefwechsel. Eine Biographie. Kramer, Berlin 1987, ISBN 3-87956-177-X.
  • Vivian Gornick: Emma Goldman. Revolution as a Way of Life, Yale University Press. New Haven/London 2011, ISBN 978-0-300-13726-2.
  • Elke Pilz: Emma Goldman – ein Leben für Freiheit und Gerechtigkeit, in: E. Pilz: Das Ideal der Mitmenschlichkeit – Frauen und die sozialistische Idee, Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2005, ISBN 3-8260-3008-7, S. 73-90
  • R. Drinnon: Rebel in Paradise – Biography of Emma Goldman, Chicago/London 1961

Film

Weblinks

 Commons: Emma Goldman – Sammlung von Bildern, Videos und Audiodateien

Einzelnachweise

  1. ↑ a b c Rodger Streitmatter: Voices of Revolution: The Dissident Press in America. Columbia University Press, New York 2001, ISBN 0-231-12249-7, S. 122-134.
  2.  She Fought the Law… (PBS)
  3.  Emma Goldman: Living My Life. Volume two. Chapter 43
  4.  Original: „The beginning has already been made in the schools… Children are trained in military tactics, the glory of military achievements extolled in the curriculum, and the youthful mind perverted to suit the government. Further, the youth of the country is appealed to in glaring posters to join the Army and the Navy.“ (Patriotismus. A Menace to Liberty. In: Anarchism and other Essays.1911
  5.  Emma Goldman, in: Die Kriegsdienstgegner der ganzen Welt, Bericht über die Bewegung in zwanzig Ländern und über die Internationale Konferenz in Hoddeston, Herts., England im Juli 1925 (dt. Version), herausgegeben vom Generalsektretariat der War Resisters’ International), S. 33
  6.  Alix Kates Shulman: Dances with Feminists. In: Women’s Review of Books. Vol. IX, No. 3. Dezember 1991
  7.  www.canadiantheatre.com

Nikolai Chernyshevsky. His novel What Is to Be Done? was a powerful lifelong inspiration for Goldman.

The family moved to the Russian city of Saint Petersburg, where her father opened one unsuccessful store after another. Their poverty forced the children to work, and Goldman took an assortment of jobs including one in a corset shop.[15] As a teenager Goldman begged her father to allow her to return to school, but instead he threw her French book into the fire and shouted: „Girls do not have to learn much! All a Jewish daughter needs to know is how to prepare gefilte fish, cut noodles fine, and give the man plenty of children.“[16]

Goldman pursued an independent education on her own, however, and soon began to study the political turmoil around her, particularly the Nihilists responsible for assassinating Alexander II of Russia. The ensuing turmoil intrigued Goldman, even though she did not fully understand it at the time. When she readChernyshevsky’s novel, What Is to Be Done? (1863), she found a role model in the protagonist Vera, who adopts a Nihilist philosophy and escapes her repressive family to live freely and organize a sewingcooperative. The book enthralled Goldman and remained a source of inspiration throughout her life.[17]

Her father, meanwhile, continued to insist on a domestic future for her, and he tried to arrange for her to be married at the age of fifteen. They fought about the issue constantly; he complained that she was becoming a „loose“ woman, and she insisted that she would marry for love alone.[18] At the corset shop, she was forced to fend off unwelcome advances from Russian officers and other men. One persistent suitor took her into a hotel room and committed what Goldman called „violent contact“;[19] two biographers call it rape.[18][20] She was stunned by the experience, overcome by „shock at the discovery that the contact between man and woman could be so brutal and painful.“[21] Goldman felt that the encounter forever soured her interactions with men.[21]

Rochester, New York

In 1885, Helena made plans to move to New York to join her sister Lena and her husband. Goldman wanted to join her sister, but their father refused to allow it. Despite Helena’s offer to pay for the trip, Abraham turned a deaf ear to their pleas. Desperate, Goldman threatened to throw herself into the Neva River if she could not go. He finally agreed, and on December 29, 1885, Helena and Emma arrived at New York’sCastle Garden.[22] They moved into the Rochester home Lena had made with her husband Samuel. Fleeing the rising antisemitism of Saint Petersburg, their parents and brothers joined them a year later. Goldman began working as a seamstress, sewing overcoats for more than ten hours a day, earning two and a half dollars a week. She asked for a raise and was denied; she quit and took work at a smaller shop nearby.[23]

At her new job, Goldman met a fellow worker named Jacob Kershner, who shared her love for books, dancing, and traveling, as well as her frustration with the monotony of factory work. After four months they married in February 1887.[24] Once he moved in with Goldman’s family, however, their relationship faltered. On their wedding night she discovered that he was impotent; they became emotionally and physically distant. Before long he became jealous and suspicious. She, meanwhile, was becoming more engaged with the political turmoil around her—particularly the fallout of the 1886 Haymarket affair in Chicago and the anti-authoritarian political philosophy of anarchism. Less than a year after the wedding, they were divorced; he begged her to return and threatened to poison himself if she did not. They reunited, but after three months she left once again. Her parents considered her behavior „loose“ and refused to allow Goldman into their home.[25] Carrying her sewing machine in one hand and a bag with five dollars in the other, she left Rochester and headed southeast to New York City.[26]

Most and Berkman

Goldman enjoyed a decades-long relationship with her lover Alexander Berkman.

On her first day in the city, Goldman met two men who would forever change her life. At Sachs’s Café, a gathering place for radicals, she was introduced to Alexander Berkman, an anarchist who invited her to a public speech that evening. They went to hear Johann Most, editor of a radical publication called Freiheit and an advocate of „propaganda of the deed„—the use of violence to instigate change.[27] She was impressed by his fiery oration, and he took her under his wing, training her in methods of public speaking. He encouraged her vigorously, telling her that she was „to take my place when I am gone.“[28] One of her first public talks in support of „the Cause“ was in Rochester. After convincing Helena not to tell their parents of her speech, Goldman found her mind a blank once on stage. Suddenly,[29]

something strange happened. In a flash I saw it—every incident of my three years in Rochester: the Garson factory, its drudgery and humiliation, the failure of my marriage, the Chicago crime…. I began to speak. Words I had never heard myself utter before came pouring forth, faster and faster. They came with passionate intensity…. The audience had vanished, the hall itself had disappeared; I was conscious only of my own words, of my ecstatic song.

Enchanted by the experience, she refined her public persona during subsequent engagements. Quickly, however, she found herself arguing with Most over her independence. After a momentous speech in Cleveland, she felt as though she had become „a parrot repeating Most’s views“[30] and resolved to express herself on the stage. Upon her return in New York, Most became furious and told her: „Who is not with me is against me!“[31] She left Freiheit and joined with another publication, Die Autonomie.[32]

Meanwhile, she had begun a friendship with Berkman, whom she affectionately called Sasha. Before long they became lovers and moved into a communal apartment with his cousin Modest „Fedya“ Stein and Goldman’s friend, Helen Minkin, in rural Woodstock, Illinois.[33] Although their relationship had numerous difficulties, Goldman and Berkman would share a close bond for decades, united by their anarchist principles and commitment to personal equality.[34]

Homestead plot

Further information: Homestead Strike

One of the first political moments that brought Berkman and Goldman together was the Homestead Strike. In June 1892, a steel plant inHomestead, Pennsylvania owned by Andrew Carnegie became the focus of national attention when talks between the Carnegie Steel Company and the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers (AA) broke down. The factory’s manager was Henry Clay Frick, a fierce opponent of the union. When a final round of talks failed at the end of June, management closed the plant and locked out the workers, who immediately went on strike. Strikebreakers were brought in and the company hired Pinkerton guards to protect them. On July 6, a fight broke out between three hundred Pinkerton guards and a crowd of armed union workers. During the twelve-hour gunfight, seven guards and nine strikers were killed.[35]

Goldman and Berkman believed that a retaliatory assassination ofCarnegie Steel Company managerHenry Clay Frick (pictured) would „strike terror into the soul of his class“ and „bring the teachings of Anarchism before the world“.[36]

When a majority of the nation’s newspapers came out in support of the strikers, Goldman and Berkman resolved to assassinate Frick, an action they expected would inspire the workers to revolt against thecapitalist system. Berkman chose to carry out the assassination, and ordered Goldman to stay behind in order to explain his motives after he went to jail. He would be in charge of the deed; she of the word.[37]Berkman tried and failed to make a bomb, then set off for Pittsburgh to buy a gun and a suit of decent clothes. Goldman, meanwhile, decided to help fund the scheme through prostitution. Remembering the character of Sonya in Fyodor Dostoevsky’s novel Crime and Punishment (1866), she mused: „She had become a prostitute in order to support her little brothers and sisters…. Sensitive Sonya could sell her body; why not I?“[38] Once on the street, she caught the eye of a man who took her into a saloon, bought her a beer, gave her ten dollars, informed her she did not have „the knack“, and told her to quit the business. She was „too astounded for speech“.[38] She wrote to Helena, claiming illness, and asked her for fifteen dollars.[39]

On July 23, Berkman gained access to Frick’s office with a concealed handgun and shot Frick three times, then stabbed him in the leg. A group of workers—far from joining in his attentat—beat Berkman unconscious, and he was carried away by the police.[40] Berkman was convicted of attempted murder[41]and sentenced to twenty-two years in prison;[42] his absence from her life was very difficult for Goldman.[43]Convinced Goldman was involved in the plot, police raided her apartment and—finding no evidence—pressured her landlord into evicting her. Worse, the attentat had failed to rouse the masses: workers and anarchists alike condemned Berkman’s action. Johann Most, their former mentor, lashed out at Berkman and the assassination attempt. Furious at these attacks, Goldman brought a toy horsewhip to a public lecture and demanded, onstage, that Most explain his betrayal. He dismissed her, whereupon she struck him with the whip, broke it on her knee, and hurled the pieces at him.[44][45] She later regretted her assault, confiding to a friend: „At the age of twenty-three, one does not reason.“[46]

„Inciting to riot“

When the Panic of 1893 struck in the following year, the United States suffered one of its worst economic crises ever. By year’s end, the unemployment rate was higher than twenty percent,[47] and „hunger demonstrations“ sometimes gave way to riots. Goldman began speaking to crowds of frustrated men and women in New York. On August 21, she spoke to a crowd of nearly 3,000 people in Union Square, where she encouraged unemployed workers to take immediate action. Her exact words are unclear: undercover agents insist she ordered the crowd to „take everything … by force“,[48] while Goldman later recounted this message: „Well then, demonstrate before the palaces of the rich; demand work. If they do not give you work, demand bread. If they deny you both, take bread.“[49] Later in court, Detective-Sergeant Charles Jacobs offered yet another version of her speech.[50]

Goldman (shown here in Union Square, New York in 1916) urged unemployed workers to take direct action rather than depend on charity or government aid.

A week later she was arrested in Philadelphia and returned to New York City for trial, charged with „inciting to riot“.[51] During the train ride, Jacobs offered to drop the charges against her if she would inform on other radicals in the area. She responded by throwing a glass of ice water in his face.[52] As she awaited trial, Goldman was visited by Nellie Bly, a reporter for the New York World. She spent two hours talking to Goldman, and wrote a positive article about the woman she described as a „modern Joan of Arc„.[53]

Despite this positive publicity, the jury was persuaded by Jacobs‘ testimony and scared by Goldman’s politics. The assistant District Attorney questioned Goldman about her anarchism, as well as her atheism; the judge spoke of her as „a dangerous woman“.[54] She was sentenced to one year in the Blackwell’s Island Penitentiary. Once inside she suffered an attack of rheumatismand was sent to the infirmary; there she befriended a visiting doctor and began studying medicine. She also read dozens of books, including works by the American activist-writers Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau; novelist Nathaniel Hawthorne; poet Walt Whitman, and philosopher John Stuart Mill.[55] When she was released after ten months, a raucous crowd of nearly three thousand people greeted her at the Thalia Theater in New York City. She soon became swamped with requests for interviews and lectures.[56]

To make money, Goldman decided to pursue the medical work she had studied in prison. However, her preferred fields of specialization—midwifery and massage—were not available to nursing students in the USA. Thus, she sailed to Europe, lecturing in London, Glasgow, and Edinburgh. She met with renowned anarchists like Errico MalatestaLouise Michel, and Peter Kropotkin. In Vienna, she received two diplomas and put them immediately to use back in the US. Alternating between lectures and midwifery, she conducted the first cross-country tour by an anarchist speaker. In November 1899 she returned to Europe, where she met the anarchist Hippolyte Havel, with whom she went to France and helped organize the International Anarchist Congress on the outskirts of Paris.[57]

McKinley assassination

Further information: William McKinley assassination

Leon Czolgosz insisted that Goldman had not guided his plan to assassinate US President William McKinley, but she was arrested and held for two weeks.

On September 6, 1901, Leon Czolgosz, an unemployed factory worker and registered Republican with a history of mental illness, shot US President William McKinley twice during a public speaking event in Buffalo, New York. McKinley was hit in the breastbone and stomach, and died eight days later.[58] Czolgosz was arrested, and interrogated around the clock. During interrogation he claimed to be an Anarchist and said he had been inspired to act after attending a speech held by Goldman. The authorities used this as a pretext to charge Goldman with planning McKinley’s assassination. They tracked her to a residence in Chicago she shared with Havel, as well as Abe and Mary Isaak, an anarchist couple.[59][60] Goldman was arrested, along with Abe Isaak, Havel, and ten other anarchists.[61]

Earlier, Czolgosz had tried but failed to become friends with Goldman and her companions. During a talk in Cleveland, Czolgosz had approached Goldman and asked her advice on which books he should read. In July 1901, he had appeared at the Isaak house, asking a series of unusual questions. They assumed he was an infiltrator, like a number of police agents sent to spy on radical groups. They had remained distant from him, and Abe Isaak sent a notice to associates warning of „another spy“.[62]

Although Czolgosz repeatedly denied Goldman’s involvement, the police held her in close custody, subjecting her to what she called the „third degree„.[63] She explained their distrust of him, and it was clear she had not had any significant contact with Czolgosz. No evidence was found linking Goldman to the attack, and she was eventually released after two weeks of detention. Before McKinley died, Goldman offered to provide nursing care, referring to him as „merely a human being“.[64] Czolgosz, despite considerable evidence of mental illness, was convicted of murder and executed.[65]

Throughout her detention and after her release, Goldman steadfastly refused to condemn Czolgosz’s actions, standing virtually alone in doing so. Friends and supporters—including Berkman—urged her to quit his cause. But Goldman defended Czolgosz as a „supersensitive being“[66] and chastised other anarchists for abandoning him.[66] She was vilified in the press as the „high priestess of anarchy“,[67] while many newspapers declared the anarchist movement responsible for the murder.[68] In the wake of these events, socialism gained support over anarchism among US radicals. McKinley’s successor, Theodore Roosevelt, declared his intent to crack down „not only against anarchists, but against all active and passive sympathizers with anarchists“.[69]

Mother Earth and Berkman’s release

After Czolgosz’s execution, Goldman withdrew from the world. Scorned by her fellow anarchists, vilified by the press, and separated from her love, she retreated into anonymity and nursing. „It was bitter and hard to face life anew,“ she wrote later.[70] Using the name E. G. Smith, she vanished from public life and took on a series of private nursing jobs.[71] When the US Congress passed the Anarchist Exclusion Act, however, a new wave of activism rose to oppose it, carrying Goldman back into the movement. A coalition of people and organizations across the left end of the political spectrum opposed the law on grounds that it violated freedom of speech, and she had the nation’s ear once again.

When an English anarchist named John Turner was arrested under the Anarchist Exclusion Act and threatened with deportation, Goldman joined forces with the Free Speech League to champion his cause.[72] The league enlisted the aid of Clarence Darrow and Edgar Lee Masters, who took Turner’s case to the US Supreme Court. Although Turner and the League lost, Goldman considered it a victory ofpropaganda.[73] She had returned to anarchist activism, but it was taking its toll on her. „I never felt so weighed down,“ she wrote to Berkman. „I fear I am forever doomed to remain public property and to have my life worn out through the care for the lives of others.“[74]

Goldman’s Mother Earthmagazine became a home to radical activists and literary free thinkers around the US.

In 1906, Goldman decided to start a publication of her own, „a place of expression for the young idealists in arts and letters“.[75] Mother Earth was staffed by a cadre of radical activists, including Hippolyte Havel, Max Baginski, and Leonard Abbott. In addition to publishing original works by its editors and anarchists around the world, Mother Earth reprinted selections from a variety of writers. These included the French philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Russian anarchist Peter Kropotkin, German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, and British writer Mary Wollstonecraft. Goldman wrote frequently about anarchism, politics, labor issues, atheism, sexuality, and feminism.[76][77]

On May 18 of the same year, Alexander Berkman was released from prison. Carrying a bouquet of roses, she met him on the platform and found herself „seized by terror and pity“[78] as she beheld his gaunt, pale form. Neither was able to speak; they returned to her home in silence. For weeks, he struggled to readjust to life on the outside; an abortive speaking tour ended in failure, and in Cleveland he purchased a revolver with the intent of killing himself.[79][80] He returned to New York, however, and learned that Goldman had been arrested with a group of activists meeting to reflect on Czolgosz. Invigorated anew by this violation offreedom of assembly, he declared „My resurrection has come!“[81] and set about securing their release.[82]

Berkman took the helm of Mother Earth in 1907, while Goldman toured the country to raise funds to keep it functional. Editing the magazine was a revitalizing experience for Berkman; his relationship with Goldman faltered, however, and he had an affair with a fifteen-year-old anarchist named Becky Edelsohn. Goldman was pained by his rejection of her, but considered it a consequence of his prison experience.[83] Later that year she served as a delegate from the US to the International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam. Anarchists and syndicalists from around the world gathered to sort out the tension between the two ideologies, but no decisive agreement was reached. Goldman returned to the US and continued speaking to large audiences.[84]

Reitman, essays, and birth control

For the next ten years, Goldman traveled around the country nonstop, delivering lectures and agitating for anarchism. The coalitions formed in opposition to the Anarchist Exclusion Act had given her an appreciation for reaching out to those of other political persuasions. When the US Justice Department sent spies to observe, they reported the meetings as „packed“.[85] Writers, journalists, artists, judges, and workers from across the spectrum spoke of her „magnetic power“, her „convincing presence“, her „force, eloquence, and fire“.[86]

Goldman joined Margaret Sanger in crusading for women’s access to birth control; both women were arrested for violating the Comstock Law.

In the spring of 1908, Goldman met and fell in love with Ben Reitman, the so-called „Hobo doctor“. Having grown up in Chicago’s tenderloin district, Reitman spent several years as a drifter before attaining a medical degree from the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Chicago. As a doctor, he attended to people suffering from poverty and illness, particularly venereal diseases. He and Goldman began an affair; they shared a commitment to free love, but whereas Reitman took a variety of lovers, Goldman did not. She tried to reconcile her feelings of jealousy with a belief in freedom of the heart, but found it difficult.[87]

Two years later, Goldman began feeling frustrated with lecture audiences. She yearned to „reach the few who really want to learn, rather than the many who come to be amused“.[88] Thus she collected a series of speeches and items she had written for Mother Earth and published a book called Anarchism and Other Essays. Covering a wide variety of topics, Goldman tries to represent „the mental and soul struggles of twenty-one years“.[88] In addition to a comprehensive look at anarchism and its criticisms, the book includes essays on patriotism, women’s suffrage, marriage, and prisons.

When Margaret Sanger, an advocate of access to contraception, coined the term „birth control“ and disseminated information about various methods in the June 1914 issue of her magazine The Woman Rebel, she received aggressive support from Goldman. Sanger was arrested in August under the Comstock Law, which prohibited the dissemination of „obscene, lewd, or lascivious articles“[89]—including information relating to birth control. Although they later split from Sanger over charges of insufficient support, Goldman and Reitman distributed copies of Sanger’s pamphlet Family Limitation (along with a similar essay of Reitman’s). In 1915 Goldman conducted a nationwide speaking tour in part to raise awareness about contraception options. Although the nation’s attitude toward the topic seemed to be liberalizing, Goldman was arrested in February 1916 and charged with violation of the Comstock Law. Refusing to pay a $100 fine, she spent two weeks in a prison workhouse, which she saw as an „opportunity“ to reconnect with those rejected by society.[90]

World War I

Although US President Woodrow Wilson was re-elected in 1916 under the slogan „He kept us out of the war“, at the start of his second term he decided that Germany’s continued deployment of unrestricted submarine warfare was sufficient cause for the US to enter World War I. Shortly afterward, Congress passed the Selective Service Act of 1917, which required all males aged 21–30 to register for militaryconscription. Goldman saw the decision as an exercise in militarist aggression, driven by capitalism. She declared in Mother Earth her intent to resist conscription, and to oppose US involvement in the war.[91]

Goldman was imprisoned for two years after opposingconscription in the US duringWorld War I.

To this end, she and Berkman organized the No Conscription League of New York, which proclaimed: „We oppose conscription because we are internationalists, antimilitarists, and opposed to all wars waged by capitalistic governments.“[92] The group became a vanguard for anti-draft activism, and chapters began to appear in other cities. When police began raiding the group’s public events to find young men who had not registered for the draft, however, Goldman and others focused their efforts on spreading pamphlets and other written work.[93] In the midst of the nation’s patriotic fervor, many elements of the political left refused to support the League’s efforts. The Women’s Peace Party, for example, ceased its opposition to the war once the US entered it. The Socialist Party of America took an official stance against US involvement, but supported Wilson in most of his activities.[94]

On June 15, 1917, Goldman and Berkman were arrested during a raid of their offices which yielded „a wagon load of anarchist records and propaganda“ for the authorities.[95] The New York Times reported that Goldman asked to change into a more appropriate outfit, and emerged in a gown of „royal purple“.[95][96]The pair were charged with conspiracy to „induce persons not to register“[97] under the newly enactedEspionage Act,[98] and were held on US$25,000 bail each. Defending herself and Berkman during their trial, Goldman invoked the First Amendment, asking how the government could claim to fight for democracy abroad while suppressing free speech at home:[99]

We say that if America has entered the war to make the world safe for democracy, she must first make democracy safe in America. How else is the world to take America seriously, when democracy at home is daily being outraged, free speech suppressed, peaceable assemblies broken up by overbearing and brutal gangsters in uniform; when free press is curtailed and every independent opinion gagged? Verily, poor as we are in democracy, how can we give of it to the world?

The jury saw it differently, and found them guilty; Judge Julius Marshuetz Mayer imposed the maximum sentence two years‘ imprisonment, a $10,000 fine each, and the possibility of deportation after their release from prison. As she was transported to Missouri State Penitentiary (now Jefferson City Correctional Center), Goldman wrote to a friend: „Two years imprisonment for having made an uncompromising stand for one’s ideal. Why that is a small price.“[100]

In prison she was assigned once again to work as a seamstress, under the eye of a „miserable gutter-snipe of a twenty-one-year-old boy paid to get results“.[101] She met the socialist Kate Richards O’Hare, who had also been imprisoned under the Espionage Act. Although they differed on political strategy—Kate O’Hare believed in voting to achieve state power—the two women came together to agitate for better conditions among prisoners.[102] Goldman also met and became friends with Gabriella Segata Antolini, an anarchist and follower of Luigi Galleani. Antolini had been arrested transporting a satchel filled with dynamite on a Chicago-bound train. She had refused to cooperate with authorities, and was sent to prison for fourteen months. Working together to make life better for the other inmates, the three women became known as „The Trinity“. Goldman was released on September 27, 1919.[103]

Deportation

Goldman and Berkman were released during America’s Red Scare of 1919–20 when public anxiety about wartime pro-German activities had morphed into a pervasive fear of Bolshevism and the prospect of an imminent radical revolution. Attorney General Alexander Mitchell Palmerand J. Edgar Hoover, head of the U.S. Department of Justice’s General Intelligence Division, were intent on using the Anarchist Exclusion Actof 1918 to deport any non-citizens they could identify as advocates of anarchy or revolution. „Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman,“ Hoover wrote while they were in prison, „are, beyond doubt, two of the most dangerous anarchists in this country and return to the community will result in undue harm.“[104]

At her deportation hearing on October 27, she refused to answer questions about her beliefs on the grounds that her American citizenship invalidated any attempt to deport her under the Anarchist Exclusion Act, which could be enforced only against non-citizens of the U.S. She presented a written statement instead: „Today so-called aliens are deported. Tomorrow native Americans will be banished. Already some patrioteers are suggesting that native American sons to whom democracy is a sacred ideal should be exiled.“[105] Louis Post at theDepartment of Labor, which had ultimate authority over deportation decisions, determined that the revocation of her husband’s American citizenship in 1908 had revoked hers as well. After initially promising a court fight,[106] she decided not to appeal his ruling.[107]

The Labor Department included Goldman and Berkman among 249 aliens it deported en masse, mostly people with only vague associations with radical groups who had been swept up in government raids in November.[108] Buford, a ship the press nicknamed the „Soviet Ark,“ sailed from New York on December 21. Some 58 enlisted men and four officers provided security on the journey and pistols were distributed to the crew.[109][110] Most of the press approved enthusiastically. The Cleveland Plain Dealer wrote: „It is hoped and expected that other vessels, larger, more commodious, carrying similar cargoes, will follow in her wake.“[111] The ship landed her charges in HankoFinland on Saturday, January 17, 1920.[112] Upon arrival in Finland, authorities there conducted the deportees to the Russian frontier under a flag of truce.[113][114]

Russia

Goldman was so disenchanted by her experiences in Soviet Russia that in 1923 she wrote My Disillusionment in Russia.

Goldman initially viewed the Bolshevik revolution in a positive light. She wrote in Mother Earth that despite its dependence on Communist government, it represented „the most fundamental, far-reaching and all-embracing principles of human freedom and of economic well-being“.[115] By the time she neared Europe, however, she expressed fears about what was to come. She was worried about the ongoing Russian Civil War and the possibility of being seized by anti-Bolshevik forces. The state, anti-capitalist though it was, also posed a threat. „I could never in my life work within the confines of the State,“ she wrote to her niece, „Bolshevist or otherwise.“[116]

She quickly discovered that her fears were justified. Days after returning to Petrograd (Saint Petersburg), she was shocked to hear a party official refer to free speech as a „bourgeois superstition“.[117] As she and Berkman traveled around the country, they found repression, mismanagement, and corruption instead of the equality and worker empowerment they had dreamed of. Those who questioned the government were demonized as counter-revolutionaries, and workers labored under severe conditions. They met with Vladimir Lenin, who assured them that government suppression of press liberties was justified. He told them: „There can be no free speech in a revolutionary period.“[118] Berkman was more willing to forgive the government’s actions in the name of „historical necessity“, but he eventually joined Goldman in opposing the Soviet state’s authority.[119]

In March 1921, strikes erupted in Petrograd when workers took to the streets demanding better food rations and more union autonomy. Goldman and Berkman felt a responsibility to support the strikers, stating: „To remain silent now is impossible, even criminal.“[120] The unrest spread to the port town of Kronstadt, where a military response was ordered. In the fighting that ensued, approximately 1,000 rebelling sailors and soldiers were killed and two thousand more were arrested. In the wake of these events, Goldman and Berkman decided there was no future in the country for them. „More and more“, she wrote, „we have come to the conclusion that we can do nothing here. And as we can not keep up a life of inactivity much longer we have decided to leave.“[121]

In December 1921, they left the country and went to the Latvian capital city of Riga. The US commissioner in that city wired officials inWashington DC, who began requesting information from other governments about the couple’s activities. After a short trip to Stockholm, they moved to Berlin for several years; during this time she agreed to write a series of articles about her time in Russia for Joseph Pulitzer’s newspaper, the New York World. These were later collected and published in book form as My Disillusionment in Russia (1923) and My Further Disillusionment in Russia (1924). The titles of these books were added by the publishers to be scintillating and Goldman protested, albeit in vain.[122]

England, Canada, and France

Goldman found it difficult to acclimate to the German leftist community. Communists despised her outspokenness about Soviet repression; liberals derided her radicalism. While Berkman remained in Berlin helping Russian exiles, she moved to London in September 1924. Upon her arrival, the novelist Rebecca West arranged a reception dinner for her, attended by philosopher Bertrand Russell, novelist H. G. Wells, and more than two hundred others. When she spoke of her dissatisfaction with the Soviet government, the audience was shocked. Some left the gathering; others berated her for prematurely criticizing the Communist experiment.[123] Later, in a letter, Russell declined to support her efforts at systemic change in the Soviet Union and ridiculed her anarchist idealism.[124]

The 1927 executions of Italian anarchistsNicola Sacco (right) and Bartolomeo Vanzettiwere troubling for Goldman, living alone in Canada at the time.

In 1925, the spectre of deportation loomed again, but a Scottish anarchist named James Coltonoffered to marry her and provide British citizenship. Although they were only distant acquaintances, she accepted and they were married on June 27, 1925. Her new status gave her peace of mind, and allowed her to travel to France and Canada.[125] Life in London was stressful for Goldman; she wrote to Berkman: „I am awfully tired and so lonely and heartsick. It is a dreadful feeling to come back here from lectures and find not a kindred soul, no one who cares whether one is dead or alive.“[126] She worked on analytical studies of drama, expanding on the work she had published in 1914. But the audiences were „awful“ and she never finished her second book on the subject.[127]

Goldman traveled to Canada in 1927, just in time to receive news of the impending executions of Italian anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti in Boston. Angered by the many irregularities of the case, she saw it as another travesty of justice in the US. She longed to join the mass demonstrations in Boston; memories of the Haymarket affair overwhelmed her, compounded by her isolation. „Then,“ she wrote, „I had my life before me to take up the cause for those killed. Now I have nothing.“[128][129]

In 1928, she began writing her autobiography, with the support of a group of admirers, including journalist H. L. Mencken, poet Edna St. Vincent Millay, novelist Theodore Dreiser and art collector Peggy Guggenheim, who raised $4,000 for her.[130] She secured a cottage in the French coastal city of Saint-Tropez and spent two years recounting her life. Berkman offered sharply critical feedback, which she eventually incorporated at the price of a strain on their relationship.[131] Goldman intended the book, Living My Life, as a single volume for a price the working class could afford (she urged no more than $5.00); her publisher Alfred A. Knopf, however, released it as two volumes sold together for $7.50. Goldman was furious, but unable to force a change. Due in large part to the Great Depression, sales were sluggish despite keen interest from libraries around the US.[132] Critical reviews were generally enthusiastic; The New York TimesThe New Yorker, and Saturday Review of Literature all listed it as one of the year’s top non-fiction books.[133]

In 1933, Goldman received permission to lecture in the United States under the condition that she speak only about drama and her autobiography—but not current political events. She returned to New York on February 2, 1934 to generally positive press coverage—except from Communist publications. Soon she was surrounded by admirers and friends, besieged with invitations to talks and interviews. Her visa expired in May, and she went to Toronto in order to file another request to visit the US. However, this second attempt was denied. She stayed in Canada, writing articles for US publications.[134]

In February and March 1936, Berkman underwent a pair of prostate gland operations. Recuperating in Nice and cared for by his companion, Emmy Eckstein, he missed Goldman’s sixty-seventh birthday in Saint-Tropez in June. She wrote in sadness, but he never read the letter; she received a call in the middle of the night that Berkman was in great distress. She left for Nice immediately but when she arrived that morning, Goldman found that he had shot himself and was in a nearly comatose paralysis. He died the next day.[135]

Spanish Civil War

In July 1936, the Spanish Civil War started after an attempted coup d’état by parts of the Spanish Army against the government of theSecond Spanish Republic. At the same time, the Spanish anarchists, fighting against the Nationalist forces, started an anarchist revolution. Goldman was invited to Barcelona and in an instant, as she wrote to her niece, „the crushing weight that was pressing down on my heart since Sasha’s death left me as by magic“.[136] She was welcomed by the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) and Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) organizations, and for the first time in her life lived in a community run by and for anarchists, according to true anarchist principles. „In all my life“, she wrote later, „I have not met with such warm hospitality, comradeship and solidarity.“[137] After touring a series of collectives in the province of Huesca, she told a group of workers: „Your revolution will destroy forever [the notion] that anarchism stands for chaos.“[138] She began editing the weekly CNT-FAI Information Bulletin and responded to English-language mail.[139]

 

English: CNT/FAI flag Italiano: La bandiera ro...

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Goldman edited the English-languageBulletin of the Anarcho-syndicalistorganizations Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) and Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) during theSpanish Civil War.

Goldman began to worry about the future of Spain’s anarchism when the CNT-FAI joined a coalition government in 1937—against the core anarchist principle of abstaining from state structures—and, more distressingly, made repeated concessions to Communist forces in the name of uniting against fascism. She wrote that cooperating with Communists in Spain was „a denial of our comrades in Stalin’s concentration camps“.[140] Russia, meanwhile, refused to send weapons to anarchist forces, and disinformation campaigns were being waged against the anarchists across Europe and the US. Her faith in the movement unshaken, Goldman returned to London as an official representative of the CNT-FAI.[141]

Delivering lectures and giving interviews, Goldman enthusiastically supported the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists. She wrote regularly for Spain and the World, a biweekly newspaper focusing on the civil war. In May 1937, however, Communist-led forces attacked anarchist strongholds and broke up agrarian collectives. Newspapers in England and elsewhere accepted the timeline of events offered by the Second Spanish Republic at face value. British journalist George Orwell, present for the crackdown, wrote: „[T]he accounts of the Barcelona riots in May … beat everything I have ever seen for lying.“[142]

Goldman returned to Spain in September, but the CNT-FAI appeared to her like people „in a burning house“. Worse, anarchists and other radicals around the world refused to support their cause.[143] The Nationalist forces declared victory in Spain just before she returned to London. Frustrated by England’s repressive atmosphere—which she called „more fascist than the fascists“[144]—she returned to Canada in 1939. Her service to the anarchist cause in Spain was not forgotten, however. On her seventieth birthday, the former Secretary-General of the CNT-FAI, Mariano Vázquez, sent a message to her from Paris, praising her for her contributions and naming her as „our spiritual mother“. She called it „the most beautiful tribute I have ever received“.[145]

Final years

Goldman’s grave in Illinois‘Forest Home Cemetery, near those of the anarchists executed for the Haymarket affair. The dates on the stone are incorrect.

As the events preceding World War II began to unfold in Europe, Goldman reiterated her opposition to wars waged by governments. „[M]uch as I loathe HitlerMussoliniStalin and Franco,“ she wrote to a friend, „I would not support a war against them and for the democracies which, in the last analysis, are only Fascist in disguise.“[146] She felt that England and France had missed their opportunity to oppose fascism, and that the coming war would only result in „a new form of madness in the world“.[146] This position was vastly unpopular, as Hitler’s attacks on Jewish communities reverberated throughout the Jewish diaspora.

Death

On Saturday, February 17, 1940, Goldman suffered a debilitating stroke. She became paralyzed on her right side, and although her hearing was unaffected, she could not speak. As one friend described it: „Just to think that here was Emma, the greatest orator in America, unable to utter one word.“[147] For three months she improved slightly, receiving visitors and on one occasion gesturing to her address book to signal that a friend might find friendly contacts during a trip to Mexico. She suffered another stroke on May 8, however, and on May 14 she died in Toronto, Canada, aged 70.[148][149] The US Immigration and Naturalization Service allowed her body to be brought back to the United States. She was buried inGerman Waldheim Cemetery (now named Forest Home Cemetery) in Forest Park, Illinois, a western suburb of Chicago, among the graves of other labor and social activists including those executed after theHaymarket affair.[150] The bas relief on her grave marker was created by sculptor Jo Davidson.

Philosophy

Goldman spoke and wrote extensively on a wide variety of issues. While she rejected orthodoxy and fundamentalist thinking, she was an important contributor to several fields of modern political philosophy. She was influenced by many diverse thinkers and writers, includingMikhail BakuninHenry David ThoreauPeter KropotkinRalph Waldo EmersonNikolai Chernyshevsky, and Mary Wollstonecraft. Another philosopher who influenced Goldman was Friedrich Nietzsche. In her autobiography, she wrote: „Nietzsche was not a social theorist, but a poet, a rebel, and innovator. His aristocracy was neither of birth nor of purse; it was the spirit. In that respect Nietzsche was an anarchist, and all true anarchists were aristocrats.“[151]

Anarchism

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Anarchism was central to Goldman’s view of the world and she is today considered one of the most important figures in the history of anarchism. First drawn to it during the persecution of anarchists after the 1886 Haymarket affair, she wrote and spoke regularly on behalf of anarchism. In the title essay of her book Anarchism and Other Essays, she wrote:

Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations.[152]

Goldman’s anarchism was intensely personal. She believed it was necessary for anarchist thinkers to live their beliefs, demonstrating their convictions with every action and word. „I don’t care if a man’s theory for tomorrow is correct,“ she once wrote. „I care if his spirit of today is correct.“[153] Anarchism and free association were to her logical responses to the confines of government control and capitalism. „It seems to me that these are the new forms of life,“ she wrote, „and that they will take the place of the old, not by preaching or voting, but by living them.“[153]

At the same time, she believed that the movement on behalf of human liberty must be staffed by liberated humans. While dancing among fellow anarchists one evening, she was chided by an associate for her carefree demeanor. In her autobiography, Goldman wrote:

I told him to mind his own business, I was tired of having the Cause constantly thrown in my face. I did not believe that a Cause which stood for a beautiful ideal, for anarchism, for release and freedom from conventions and prejudice, should demand denial of life and joy. I insisted that our Cause could not expect me to behave as a nun and that the movement should not be turned into a cloister. If it meant that, I did not want it. „I want freedom, the right to self-expression, everybody’s right to beautiful, radiant things.“[154]

Capitalism

Goldman believed that the economic system of capitalism was inimical to human liberty. „The only demand that property recognizes,“ she wrote in Anarchism and Other Essays, „is its own gluttonous appetite for greater wealth, because wealth means power; the power to subdue, to crush, to exploit, the power to enslave, to outrage, to degrade.“[155] She also argued that capitalism dehumanized workers, „turning the producer into a mere particle of a machine, with less will and decision than his master of steel and iron.“[155]

Originally opposed to anything less than complete revolution, Goldman was challenged during one talk by an elderly worker in the front row. In her autobiography, she wrote:

He said that he understood my impatience with such small demands as a few hours less a day, or a few dollars more a week…. But what were men of his age to do? They were not likely to live to see the ultimate overthrow of the capitalist system. Were they also to forgo the release of perhaps two hours a day from the hated work? That was all they could hope to see realized in their lifetime.[30]

Goldman realized that smaller efforts for improvement such as higher wages and shorter hours could be part of a social revolution.

Tactics

Among the tactics that Goldman endorsed was targeted violence. Early in her career Goldman believed that the use of violence, while distasteful, could be effective in achieving a greater good. She advocated propaganda of the deedattentat, or violence carried out to encourage the masses to revolt. She supported her partner Alexander Berkman’s attempt to kill industrialist Henry Clay Frick, and even begged him to allow her to participate.[156] She believed that Frick’s actions during the Homestead strike were reprehensible and that his murder would produce a positive result for working people. „Yes,“ she wrote later in her autobiography, „the end in this case justified the means.“[156] While she never gave explicit approval of Leon Czolgosz’s assassination of U.S. President William McKinley, she defended his ideals and believed actions like his were a natural consequence of repressive institutions. As she wrote in „The Psychology of Political Violence“: „the accumulated forces in our social and economic life, culminating in an act of violence, are similar to the terrors of the atmosphere, manifested in storm and lightning.“[157]

Her experiences in Russia led her to reassess her earlier belief that revolutionary ends justified violent means. The repression and authoritarian control of the Soviet Union caused a radical shift in her perspective. Indeed, by 1923 she had nearly reversed her position. In the afterword to My Disillusionment in Russia, she wrote: „There is no greater fallacy than the belief that aims and purposes are one thing, while methods and tactics are another…. The means employed become, through individual habit and social practice, part and parcel of the final purpose….“[158]

Nevertheless, she viewed the state as essentially and inevitably a tool of control and domination. As a result, Goldman believed that voting was useless at best and dangerous at worst. Voting, she wrote, provided an illusion of participation while masking the true structures of decision-making. Instead, Goldman advocated targeted resistance in the form of strikes, protests, and „direct action against the invasive, meddlesome authority of our moral code“.[159] She maintained an anti-voting position even when many anarcho-syndicalists in 1930s Spain voted for the formation of a liberal republic. Goldman wrote that any power anarchists wielded as a voting bloc should instead be used to strike across the country.[160] She disagreed with the movement for women’s suffrage, which demanded the right of women to vote. In her essay „Woman Suffrage“, she ridicules the idea that women’s involvement would infuse the democratic state with a more just orientation: „As if women have not sold their votes, as if women politicians cannot be bought!“[161] She agreed with the suffragists‘ assertion that women are equal to men, but disagreed that their participation alone would make the state more just. „To assume, therefore, that she would succeed in purifying something which is not susceptible of purification, is to credit her with supernatural powers.“[162]

Feminism

Young anarcha-feminists at an anti-globalization protest quote Emma Goldman.

Although she was hostile to the suffragist goals of first-wave feminism, Goldman advocated passionately for the rights of women, and is today heralded as a founder of anarcha-feminism, which challenges patriarchy as a hierarchy to be resisted alongside state power and class divisions.[163] In 1897, she wrote: „I demand the independence of woman, her right to support herself; to live for herself; to love whomever she pleases, or as many as she pleases. I demand freedom for both sexes, freedom of action, freedom in love and freedom in motherhood.“[164]

A nurse by training, she was an early advocate for educating women concerning contraception. Like many contemporary feminists, she saw abortion as a tragic consequence of social conditions, and birth control as a positive alternative. Goldman was also an advocate of free love, and a strong critic of marriage. She saw early feminists as confined in their scope and bounded by social forces of Puritanism and capitalism. She wrote: „We are in need of unhampered growth out of old traditions and habits. The movement for women’s emancipation has so far made but the first step in that direction.“[165][166]

Free speech

As an anarchist, Goldman championed numerous human rights causes, particularly the issue of free speech. Widely persecuted for her advocacy of anarchism and opposition to World War I, Goldman was active in the early 20th century free speech movement, seeing freedom of expression as a fundamental necessity for achieving social change.[167][168][169][170] Her outspoken championship of her ideals, in the face of persistent arrests, inspired Roger Baldwin, one of the founders of the American Civil Liberties Union.[171]

Prisons

Another issue that Goldman frequently addressed was criminal justice. She was a passionate critic of the prison system and viewed crime as a natural outgrowth of an unjust economic system. In her essay „Prisons: A Social Crime and Failure“, she quoted liberally from the nineteenth-century authors Fyodor Dostoevsky and Oscar Wilde, and wrote: „Year after year the gates of prison hells return to the world an emaciated, deformed, will-less, shipwrecked crew of humanity, with the Cain mark on their foreheads, their hopes crushed, all their natural inclinations thwarted. With nothing but hunger and inhumanity to greet them, these victims soon sink back into crime as the only possibility of existence.“[172]

Homosexuality

Goldman was also an outspoken critic of prejudice against homosexuals. Her belief that social liberation should extend to gay men and lesbians was virtually unheard of at the time, even among anarchists.[173] As Magnus Hirschfeld wrote, „she was the first and only woman, indeed the first and only American, to take up the defense of homosexual love before the general public.“[174] In numerous speeches and letters, she defended the right of gay men and lesbians to love as they pleased and condemned the fear and stigma associated with homosexuality. As Goldman wrote in a letter to Hirschfeld, „It is a tragedy, I feel, that people of a different sexual type are caught in a world which shows so little understanding for homosexuals and is so crassly indifferent to the various gradations and variations of gender and their great significance in life.“[174]

Atheism

A committed atheist, Goldman viewed religion as another instrument of control and domination. Her essay „The Philosophy of Atheism“ quoted Bakunin at length on the subject and added:

Consciously or unconsciously, most theists see in gods and devils, heaven and hell, reward and punishment, a whip to lash the people into obedience, meekness and contentment…. The philosophy of Atheism expresses the expansion and growth of the human mind. The philosophy of theism, if we can call it a philosophy, is static and fixed.[175]

In essays like „The Hypocrisy of Puritanism“ and a speech entitled „The Failure of Christianity“, Goldman made more than a few enemies among religious communities by attacking their moralistic attitudes and efforts to control human behavior. She blamed Christianity for „the perpetuation of a slave society“, arguing that it dictated individuals‘ actions on Earth and offered poor people a false promise of a plentiful future in heaven.[176] She was also critical of Zionism, which she saw as another failed experiment in state control.[177]

Legacy

Goldman was well-known during her life, described as—among other things—“the most dangerous woman in America“.[178] After her death and through the middle part of the 20th century, her fame faded. Scholars and historians of anarchism viewed her as a great speaker and activist, but did not regard her as a philosophical or theoretical thinker on par with, for instance, Kropotkin.[179]

Goldman’s image, often accompanying a popular paraphrase of her ideas—“If I can’t dance, I don’t want to be in your revolution“—has been reproduced on countless walls, garments, stickers, and posters as an icon of freedom.

In 1970, Dover Press reissued Goldman’s biography, Living My Life, and in 1972, feminist writer Alix Kates Shulman issued a collection of Goldman’s writing and speeches, Red Emma Speaks. These works brought Goldman’s life and writings to a larger audience, and she was in particular lionized by the women’s movement of the late twentieth century. In 1973, Shulman was asked by a printer friend for a quotation by Goldman for use on a t-shirt. She sent him the selection from Living My Life about „the right to self-expression, everybody’s right to beautiful, radiant things“; the printer created a paraphrase that has become one of Goldman’s most famous quotations, even though she herself probably never said or wrote it: „If I can’t dance I don’t want to be in your revolution.“[180] Variations of this saying have appeared on thousands of t-shirts, buttons, posters, bumper stickers, coffee mugs, hats, and other items.[181] In Living My Life, Goldman recounts being admonished for dancing, „that it did not behoove an agitator to dance.“ She further wrote „I did not believe that a Cause which stood for a beautiful ideal, for anarchism, for release and freedom from conventions and prejudice, should demand the denial of life and joy. I insisted that our Cause could not expect me to become a nun and that the movement should not be turned into a cloister. If it meant that, I did not want it.“[181]

The women’s movement of the 1970s that „rediscovered“ Goldman was accompanied by a resurgent anarchist movement, beginning in the late 1960s, which also reinvigorated scholarly attention to earlier anarchists. The growth of feminism also initiated some reevaluation of Goldman’s philosophical work, with scholars pointing out the significance of Goldman’s contributions to anarchist thought in her time. Goldman’s belief in the value of aesthetics, for example, can be seen in the later influences of anarchism and the arts. Similarly, Goldman is now given credit for significantly influencing and broadening the scope of activism on issues of sexual liberty, reproductive rights, and freedom of expression.[182]

Goldman has been depicted in numerous works of fiction over the years, perhaps most notably by Maureen Stapleton, who won an Academy Award for her role as Goldman in Warren Beatty’s 1981 film Reds. Goldman has also been a character in two Broadway musicals, Ragtimeand Assassins. Plays depicting Goldman’s life include Howard Zinn’s play, Emma;[183] Martin Duberman’s Mother Earth (1991);[184] Jessica Litwak’s Emma Goldman: Love, Anarchy, and Other Affairs (Goldman’s relationship with Berkman and her arrest in connection with McKinley’s assassination); Lynn Rogoff’s Love Ben, Love Emma (Goldman’s relationship with Reitman);[185] and Carol Bolt’s Red Emma.[186]Ethel Mannin’s 1941 novel Red Rose is also based on Goldman’s Life.[187]

Goldman has been honored by a number of organizations named in her memory. The Emma Goldman Clinic, a women’s health center located in Iowa City, Iowa selected Goldman as a namesake „in recognition of her challenging spirit.“[188] Red Emma’s Bookstore Coffeehouse, an infoshop in Baltimore, Maryland adopted her name out of their belief „in the ideas and ideals that she fought for her entire life: free speech, sexual and racial equality and independence, the right to organize in our jobs and in our own lives, ideas and ideals that we continue to fight for, even today“.[189]

Works

Goldman was a prolific writer, penning countless pamphlets and articles on a diverse range of subjects. She authored six books, including an autobiography, Living My Life, and a biography of fellow anarchist Voltairine de Cleyre.[190]

Books written by Emma Goldman

Edited collections

  • Red Emma Speaks: Selected Writings and Speeches. New York: Random House, 1972. ISBN 0-394-47095-8
  • Emma Goldman: A Documentary History Of The American Years, Volume 1 – Made for America, 1890–1901. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003. ISBN 0-520-08670-8.
  • Emma Goldman: A Documentary History Of The American Years, Volume 2 – Making Speech Free, 1902–1909. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. ISBN 0-520-22569-4.

See also

Notes

  1. a b University of Illinois at Chicago Biography of Emma Goldman. UIC Library Emma Goldman Collection. Retrieved on December 13, 2008.
  2. ^ Streitmatter, Rodger (2001). Voices of Revolution: The Dissident Press in America. New York: Columbia University Press. pp. 122–134. ISBN 0-231-12249-7.
  3. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 24.
  4. a b c Goldman, Living, p. 447.
  5. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, p. 5.
  6. ^ The order of birth is unclear; Wexler (in Intimate, p. 13) notes that although Goldman writes of herself as her mother’s fourth child, her brother Louis (who died at the age of six) was probably born after her.
  7. ^ Chalberg, p. 13.
  8. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, p. 12.
  9. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 11.
  10. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 12.
  11. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 13–14.
  12. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 20.
  13. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 28.
  14. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, pp. 6–7.
  15. ^ Chalberg, p. 15.
  16. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 12.
  17. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 23–26.
  18. a b Chalberg, p. 16.
  19. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 22.
  20. ^ Falk, Love, p. 14.
  21. a b Goldman, Living, p. 23.
  22. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 27.
  23. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 30–31.
  24. ^ Falk, Love, pp. 15–16.
  25. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, pp. 15–17.
  26. ^ Chalberg, p. 27.
  27. ^ Chalberg, pp. 27–28.
  28. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 40.
  29. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 51.
  30. a b Goldman, Living, p. 52.
  31. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 54.
  32. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 53.
  33. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 57.
  34. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 57–58.
  35. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 61–62.
  36. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Intimate, p. 63.
  37. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 63–65.
  38. a b Goldman, Living, p. 91.
  39. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, p. 45.
  40. ^ Chalberg, pp. 42–43; Falk, Love, p. 25; Wexler, Intimate, p. 65.
  41. ^ „Alexander Berkman, the Anarchist, to Be Deported; Case of Emma Goldman Now Up for Decision“The New York Times. November 26, 1919.
  42. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 106.
  43. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 65.
  44. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 65–66.
  45. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 105.
  46. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Intimate, p. 66.
  47. ^ „Panic of 1893“Ohio History Central. Ohio Historical Society, 2007. Retrieved on December 18, 2007.
  48. ^ Quoted in Chalberg, p. 46.
  49. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 123.
  50. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, pp. 58–59.
  51. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 76.
  52. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, p. 57.
  53. ^ Nellie Bly„Nelly Bly Again: She Interviews Emma Goldman and Other Anarchists“New York World, September 17, 1893.
  54. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, p. 60.
  55. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 78.
  56. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 78–79.
  57. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 84–89.
  58. ^ Chalberg, pp. 65–66.
  59. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, p. 68.
  60. ^ Chalberg, p. 73.
  61. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 104.
  62. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 103–104.
  63. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 300.
  64. ^ Quoted in Chalberg, p. 76.
  65. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, p. 74.
  66. a b Chalberg, p. 78.
  67. ^ Falk, The American Years, p. 461.
  68. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 106–112.
  69. ^ Quoted in Chalberg, p. 81.
  70. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 318.
  71. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 115.
  72. ^ Falk, Making Speech Free, p. 557.
  73. ^ Chalberg, pp. 84–87.
  74. ^ Quoted in Chalberg, p. 87.
  75. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 377.
  76. ^ Chalberg, pp. 88–91.
  77. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 121–130.
  78. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 384.
  79. ^ Chalberg, p. 94.
  80. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, pp. 97–98.
  81. ^ Quoted in Goldman, Living, p. 391.
  82. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, p. 98.
  83. ^ Chalberg, p. 97.
  84. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 135–137.
  85. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 166.
  86. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 168.
  87. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 140–147.
  88. a b Goldman, Anarchism, p. 49.
  89. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Intimate, p. 210.
  90. ^ Wexler, Intimate, pp. 211–215.
  91. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, pp. 186–187; Wexler, Intimate, p. 230.
  92. ^ Berkman, p. 155.
  93. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, pp. 186–187.
  94. ^ Chalberg, p. 129.
  95. a b „Emma Goldman and A. Berkman Behind the Bars“The New York Times. June 16, 1917. Retrieved December 17, 2007.
  96. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Intimate, p. 232.
  97. ^ Quoted in Chalberg, p. 134.
  98. ^ Shaw, Francis H. (July 1964). „The Trials of Emma Goldman, Anarchist“. The Review of Politics 26 (3): 444–445. „Prosecuted under the Espionage Act of 1917 for obstructing the draft, Emma Goldman…“
  99. ^ Trial and Speeches of Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman in the United States District Court, in the City of New York, July, 1917 (New York: Mother Earth Publishing Association, 1917)
  100. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 235–244.
  101. ^ Quoted in Chalberg, p. 141.
  102. ^ Chalberg, pp. 141–142.
  103. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 253–263.
  104. ^ Quoted in Drinnon, Rebel, p. 215.
  105. ^ „Deportation Defied by Emma Goldman“The New York Times. October 28, 1919. Retrieved February 4, 2010.
  106. ^ „Will Fight Deportation“The New York Times. December 1, 1919. Retrieved February 4, 2010.
  107. ^ Post, pp. 13–14.
  108. ^ McCormick, pp. 158–163.
  109. ^ „‚Ark‘ with 300 Reds Sails Early Today for Unnamed Port“The New York Times. December 21, 1919. Retrieved February 1, 2010.
  110. ^ Post, p. 4.
  111. ^ Murray, 208-9
  112. ^ „Soviet Ark Lands its Reds in Finland“The New York Times. January 18, 1920. Retrieved February 1, 2010.
  113. ^ Murray, pp. 207–208.
  114. ^ Post, pp. 1–11.
  115. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Intimate, p. 243.
  116. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Exile, p. 17.
  117. ^ Quoted in Chalberg, p. 150.
  118. ^ Quoted in Drinnon, Rebel, p. 235.
  119. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, pp. 236–237.
  120. ^ Quoted in Drinnon, Rebel, p. 237.
  121. ^ Wexler, Exile, pp. 47–49.
  122. ^ Wexler, Exile, pp. 56–58.
  123. ^ Chalberg, pp. 161–162.
  124. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Exile, p. 96.
  125. ^ Falk, Love, pp. 209–210.
  126. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Exile, p. 111.
  127. ^ Wexler, Exile, p. 115.
  128. ^ Quoted in Chalberg, p. 164.
  129. ^ Wexler, Exile, p. 122.
  130. ^ Mary V. Dearborn, Mistress of Modernism: The Life of Peggy Guggenheim, Houghton Mifflin, 2004, pp.61–62
  131. ^ Wexler, Exile, p. 135.
  132. ^ Chalberg, pp. 165–166.
  133. ^ Wexler, Exile, p. 154.
  134. ^ Wexler, Exile, pp. 158–164.
  135. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, pp. 298–300.
  136. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, pp. 301–302.
  137. ^ Quoted in Wexler, p. 232.
  138. ^ Quoted in Drinnon, Rebel, p. 303.
  139. ^ Wexler, Exile, p. 205.
  140. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Exile, p. 209.
  141. ^ Wexler, Exile, pp. 209–210.
  142. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Exile, p. 216.
  143. ^ Wexler, Exile, p. 222.
  144. ^ Quoted in Wexler, p. 226.
  145. ^ Both quoted in Wexler, Exile, p. 232.
  146. a b Quoted in Wexler, Exile, p. 236.
  147. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Exile, p. 240.
  148. ^ Wexler, pp. 240–241.
  149. ^ „Emma Goldman, Anarchist, Dead. Internationally Known Figure, Deported From The U.S., Is Stricken In Toronto. Disillusioned By Soviets Opposed Lenin And Trotsky As Betrayers Of Socialism Through Despotism.“The New York Times. May 14, 1940. Retrieved April 20, 2008. „Emma Goldman, internationally known anarchist, died early today at her home here after an illness of several months. She was 70 years old.“
  150. ^ Drinnon, Rebel, pp. 312–313.
  151. ^ Goldman, Living, 194.
  152. ^ Goldman, Anarchism, p. 62.
  153. a b Quoted in Wexler, Intimate, p. 92.
  154. ^ Goldman, Living, p. 56.
  155. a b Goldman, Anarchism, p. 54.
  156. a b Goldman, Living, p. 88.
  157. ^ Goldman, Anarchism, p. 79.
  158. ^ Goldman, Disillusionment, pp. 260–261.
  159. ^ Wexler, Intimate, p. 91.
  160. ^ Wexler, Exile, p. 167.
  161. ^ Goldman, Anarchism, p. 205.
  162. ^ Goldman, Anarchism, p. 198.
  163. ^ Marshall, p. 409.
  164. ^ Quoted in Wexler, Intimate, p. 94.
  165. ^ Goldman, Anarchism, p. 224.
  166. ^ See generally Haaland; Goldman, „The Traffic in Women“; Goldman, „On Love“.
  167. ^ See generally Living My Life.
  168. ^ See Geoffrey R. Stone, Perilous Times: Free Speech in Wartime, From the Sedition Act of 1798 to the War on Terrorism (2004), pp. 139–152 (discussing persecution of Goldman and other anti-war activists, and the passage of the Espionage Act of 1917).
  169. ^ Falk, Making Speech Free.
  170. ^ David M. Rabban, Free Speech In Its Forgotten Years (1997).
  171. ^ Christopher M. Finan, From the Palmer Raids to the Patriot Act: A History of the Fight for Free Speech in America, p. 18.
  172. ^ Goldman, Anarchism, p. 120.
  173. ^ Katz, Jonathan Ned (1992). Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the U.S.A.. New York City: Penguin Books. pp. 376–380.
  174. a b Goldman, Emma (1923). „Offener Brief an den Herausgeber der Jahrbücher über Louise Michel“ with a preface by Magnus Hirschfeld. Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen 23: 70. Translated from German by James Steakley. Goldman’s original letter in English is not known to be extant.
  175. ^ Goldman, Emma (February 1916). „The Philosophy of Atheism“Mother Earth. Retrieved December 7, 2007.
  176. ^ Goldman, „The Failure of Christianity“Mother Earth, April 1913.
  177. ^ Wexler, Exile, p. 41.
  178. ^ Avrich, Paul (2006). Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in AmericaAK Press. p. 45. ISBN 1-904859-27-5.
  179. ^ Marshall, pp. 396–401.
  180. ^ Shulman, Alix Kates. „Dances with Feminists„. Women’s Review of Books, Vol. IX, #3. December 1991. Available at theEmma Goldman Papers. Retrieved on December 13, 2007.
  181. a b Wexler, Exile, p. 1.
  182. ^ Marshall, pp. 408–409.
  183. ^ Zinn, Howard (2002). Emma: A Play in Two Acts about Emma Goldman, American AnarchistSouth End PressISBN 0-89608-664-X.
  184. ^ Duberman, Martin (1991). Mother Earth: An Epic Drama of Emma Goldman’s LifeSt. Martin’s PressISBN 0-312-05954-X.
  185. ^ Lynn Rogoff at doollee.com: The Playwrights Database
  186. ^ Wexler, Exile, p. 249.
  187. ^ Mannin, Ethel (1941). Red Rose: A Novel Based on the Life of Emma Goldman („Red Emma“). Jarrolds.
  188. ^ „About Us„. The Emma Goldman Clinic. 2007. Retrieved on December 15, 2007.
  189. ^ „Red Emma’s Bookstore Coffeehouse: Who is Red Emma?“.Red Emma’s Bookstore Coffeehouse. Retrieved February 24, 2008.
  190. ^ Goldman, Emma (1932). Voltairine de Cleyre. Berkeley Heights, New Jersey: The Oriole Press. OCLC 12414567. Retrieved 2011-02-11.

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Э́мма Го́льдман (англ. Emma Goldman, известная также как Красная Эмма27 июня 1869 —14 мая 1940) — знаменитая североамериканская анархистка первой половины XX века.

Эмма Гольдман родилась в мелкобуржуазной еврейской семье в Ковно (современный Каунас, Литва), где её семья содержала небольшую гостиницу. Когда ей было 13 лет, семья переехала в Санкт-Петербург. Это был период политических репрессий, последовавших после гибели от рук террористов императора Александра II. В те годы революционные настроения были весьма популярны в среде молодежи. Не избежала этого увлечения и Эмма.

В 17 лет Эмма вместе со своей старшей сестрой Еленой эмигрировала в США, где в Рочестерештат Нью-Йорк, начала работать на текстильной фабрике. В 1887 году Эмма вышла замуж за фабричного рабочего Джекоба Кершнера и получила американское гражданство. Известия о повешении четырёх анархистов, участвовавших в бунте на Хеймаркет в Чикаго, подтолкнули Эмму к присоединению к американскому анархистскому движению. Она развелась с мужем, рассталась с сестрой и переехала в Нью-Хейвен, штат Коннектикут, а затем — в Нью-Йорк. В этот период на неё большое влияние оказали речи Иоганна Моста, защищавшего правомерность насилия для достижения политических и социальных целей.

В Нью-Йорке Эмма познакомилась с Александром Беркманом, являвшимся важнейшей фигурой анархистского движения в США в тот период. Они сначала стали любовниками, а затем оставались друзьями до самой смерти Беркмана в 1936 году, Эмма приезжала в Ниццу к умирающему Беркману после его неудачной попытки самоубийства. Вдохновлённые теориями Иоганна Моста, они начали планировать прямые действия, необходимые для целей революции.

Гольдман и Беркман принимали участие в событиях вокруг стачки в Хоумстеде, где рабочие захватили завод и изгнали администрацию, после чего детективы Пинкертона силой выгнали их с завода (несколько человек погибло). Беркман спланировал и осуществил покушение на управляющего заводом Генри Клея Фрика. Беркман был схвачен и осужден на 22 года тюремного заключения. В ходе расследования власти, уверенные в участии Гольдман в заговоре, так и не смогли этого доказать. Эмма активно боролась за досрочное освобождение Беркмана и добилась того, что он вышел из тюрьмы в 1906 году, отсидев лишь 14 лет.

В 1893 году Гольдман много разъезжала по стране с выступлениями в поддержку левого движения и в том же году она была впервые арестована и помещена в тюрьму Блэквелл-Айленд за призывы к экспроприации, озвученные ею на Юнион-сквер перед безработными (Требуйте работы! Если вам не дают работы — требуйте хлеба! Если вам не дают хлеба — возьмите его сами![1]), что было истолковано как призыв к мятежу, и суд Нью-Йорка, поверив одному свидетелю обвинения и отклонив показания двенадцати свидетелей защиты, осудил Эмму на один год тюрьмы.

Второй раз Эмма вместе с девятью соратниками была арестована 10 сентября 1901 года за участие в подготовке покушения на Президента США Уильяма Мак-Кинли — несколькими днями ранее (6 сентября) сын польских эмигрантов Леон Чолгош смертельно ранил МакКинли на открытии Всеамериканской выставки в Буффало. За несколько недель до покушения Чолгош встречался с Гольдман и обсуждал с ней теоретические проблемы анархизма. Участие Эммы в планировании покушения не было доказано, и 24 сентября Эмма была освобождена из тюрьмы.

После освобождения Беркмана из тюрьмы, он вместе с Гольдман начал издание ежемесячного журнала «Мать Земля», в котором Эмма комментировала текущие события с точки зрения анархо-феминизма. В журнале публиковались работы видных анархистов, а также Льва Толстого и Ницше, взгляды которых оказали существенное влияние на Гольдман.

В 1908 году Эмма была лишена американского гражданства. Тем не менее она продолжала выступать в городах США с лекциями, пропагандирующими анархизм. Исходя из своих анархистско-феминистских взглядов, в этих лекциям Гольдман высказывалась против института брака и призывала женщин к раскрепощённости, то есть «свободной любви».

В 1914 году она принимала участие в протестах анархистов против Джона Рокфеллера, которые были грубо разогнаны полицией. Беркман и четверо его товарищей решили отомстить Рокфеллеру, взорвав его виллу в Территаунештат Нью-Йорк. Бомбу собирали в квартире Гольдман, и 4 июля 1914 г. бомба самопроизвольно взорвалась, уничтожив троих заговорщиков, находившихся в квартире, и ранив несколько соседей. Неизвестно, знала ли Эмма про эту бомбу, но в следующем году она рассталась с Беркманом, который уехал в Сан-Франциско, где основал собственный революционный журнал «Взрыв».

11 февраля 1916 года Эмма вновь арестована. На этот раз — за распространение литературы о контроле над рождаемостью(Гольдман считала аборты трагическим следствием тяжёлого социального положения женщин). В тюрьме она познакомилась сГабриэлой Сегатой Антолини, последовательницей Луиджи Галлеани, которая попала в тюрьму за категорический отказ от сотрудничества со следствием, расследовавшим арест Галлеани с грузом динамита. Габриэла провела в тюрьме четырнадцать месяцев, после чего была депортирована.

Следующий арест Гольдман произошёл в 1917 году: в соответствии с Законом о шпионаже 1917 г. она была арестована за деятельность по созданию «Лиги против призыва» и иные действия, способствующие уклонению граждан от призыва на военную службу. Гольдман была признана виновной и осуждена на два года тюремного заключения.

Когда Эмма вышла из тюрьмы, в США развернулась кампания, известная как Рейды Палмера. В ходе этой кампании было возбуждено дело о депортации Гольдман: она подлежала депортации в соответствии с законами об анархизме и о подстрекательстве к мятежу, а также как иностранка, два или более раз привлекавшаяся к уголовной ответственности. В ходе процесса обвинение представлял не кто иной, как Эдгар Гувер лично. Гувер охарактеризовал Эмму Гольдман как одного из самых опасных анархистов Америки.

В конце 1919 года Эмма Гольдман, Александр Беркман и большая группа других депортированных из числа уроженцев бывшейРоссийской империи были посажены на пароход («советский ковчег») и отправлены в Советскую Россию. В РСФСР Гольдман ехала полная эйфории и готовая поддержать большевиков несмотря на то, что пути анархистов и коммунистов разошлись ещё в Первом Интернационале. Вскоре состоялась её встреча в Гуляйполе с Нестором Ивановичем Махно. Однако, действительность оказалась далека от её представлений. Эмма прожила в России два года (в то время она была хорошо знакома с Джоном Ридом и Луизой Брайант), и как только стал возможен выезд из России за границу, покинула «первое в мире государство рабочих и крестьян».

В течение нескольких лет Эмма скиталась по старым знакомым в Англии и Франции до тех пор, пока Пегги Гуггенхайм не собрала денег на покупку для Гольдман домика в Сан-Тропе, где она прожила несколько лет.

В 1936 году Гольдман ездила в Испанию, чтобы поддержать республиканское правительство в его борьбе против диктатора Франко.

Умерла Эмма Гольдман 14 мая 1940 года в Торонто. Американскими иммиграционными властями было дано разрешение на её захоронение в США, и она была похоронена в Форест-Парк, штат Иллинойс.

На могиле Эммы Гольдман написано «Liberty will not descend to a people, a people must raise themselves to Liberty» («Свобода не снизойдёт на народ. Народ должен сам подняться к Свободе»).

[править]Интересные факты

«Красная Эмма» прославилась скандальным характером своих выступлений:

« Посмотрите, как она защищает себя на суде по обвинению в заговоре, торжественно отказываясь вставать при исполнении «Звездно-полосатого флага» (гимна США – прим. перев.). Вот она сморкается в сторону конгрессмена. Вот ей удается бегать от своих полицейских преследователей достаточно долго, чтобы произнести еще одну речь, прежде чем отправиться в тюрьму за «призывы к бунту». Вот она пробирается в страну под носом у тех самых иммиграционных властей, которые должны ее остановить. Она живет то в коммуне, то в одиночной камере. Смотрите, вот она несет красный флаг, ведя за собой женщин-забастовщиц на первомайской демонстрации. Временами она скрывается в подполье (живет под именем Э.Г.Смит). Она то пишет очередной манифест, то врывается в клуб «только для мужчин», оставляя в дураках охранников. Она пропагандирует принятие законов, разрешающих контрацепцию, срывает военный призыв, а потом отправляется в тюрьму сразу за оба эти преступления. На самом деле, она никогда не выступает, не прихватив с собой книгу поинтереснее, чтобы было, что почитать в тюрьме в случае ареста.[2] »

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